Re: The Empress Alexandra Fights Back #2

I have been thinking about how to answer all these challenging and vital questions about Ella and Alix and as a result I have come to the conclusion that this is an excellent opportunity to explore the relationship between Ella and Alix in late 1914 and early 1915 as it will keep us within the parameters of the research I am currently undertaking.  

We must remember that theres an underlying spy hysteria that will create a mass paranoia whcih will grip, not only the Duma, Stavka, the Army, some members of the Government and Court Society, but will possibly delude the reasoning of many Romanov's including Ella.  We must keep this in view at all times.  

As we already know that this mass mesmerism started with the arrest of Miasoedov in January 1915, and that it was the part of an unscrupulous plot that had originally failed in 1912, but finally succeeded in 1915 to cause the fall of Sukhomlinov, we must also keep this in mind at all times as it will undermine the credibility of both Nicholas and Alexandra in the minds of Ella and the Empress Dowagers and other Romanov's who were critical of the Imperial couple.  

We have already seen, in the February 1915 Chronology, the very moment that the Duma abandoned it’s loyalty and oath of fidelity to the government and throne.  More importantly, we know that this action was based on the shock resulting from the arrest of Miasoedov.  We need to constantly keep in mind that the Duma's action was based on a lie and that men such as Guchkov and Polivanov knew full well that Miasoedov was innocent and that there was no highly placed infiltration of German spies, nor was there a court cabal headed by Rasputin.  

If I abandon my research I will loose my momentum and that is a trap that I have continuously fallen into.  I need to avoid this at all costs.  Let’s build our argument and are various views in context with the research.  

Having said that, let us backtrack, before the origins of the spy mania, to the opening days of the Great War and observe Alix and Ella’s elationship during those opening months of World War One.

After the magnificent Te Deum in St. Petersburg on August 2, 1914 at the Winter Palace in which both the Tsar and Empress were embraced by, not only the Court, but multitudes in the huge palace square, the Imperial couple returned to Peterhof.  In a one day session of the Duma, it pledged it's undying loyalty to the throne and in ardent patriotism promised to support the Government and by not addressing political changes during the duration of the war.  

As telegrams poured into Peterhof, Alix could not help but applaud the courageous stance of the young Grand Duchess of Luxembourg who resisted the Germans and was imprisoned as a result.  The Empress had nothing but praises for the bravery of the young Grand Duchess whose young life, as a consequence of her resistance, was so short.  

When mobilization was announced Alix, the true daughter of a soldier, went in person to the Te Deum of her Lancer regiment and said goodbye to each and every one of her officers and enlisted men.  I can just see her encouraging and applauding the sacrifice that she knew lay ahead for each of her men.  We also know from her correspondence she kept in touch with her Lancers and was constantly asking about their welfare and that she later sat by many a bedside of her wounded Lancers and enlisted men and tried to lighten their pain and applaud their loyalty.

On August 11, 1914 Nicholas issued an Imperial ukase that decreed the formation of the:

…Supreme Council for the Care of Soldier’s Families, and of Families of the Wounded and Dead.  At the head of this Council, in the capacity of president, was placed by the Empress Alexandra, who was assisted by her sister, the Grand Duchess Elizabeth, and the eldest daughter of the Emperor, the Grand Duchess Olga, as vice-president.
   
Thee membership of this Council included a number of the highest officials, the Ministers of the Interior, Finance, Transport, and Agriculture, the President of the Red Cross and the Chief Commissioner of the All-Russian Union of Zemstvos.  Besides these members, the Council included also the Presidents of the Duma and the Council.  The functions of the Council consisted of the general direction of the work of caring for the families of mobilized men and of the wounded and dead.  Its proceedings, however, were not very important and were confined chiefly to more or less formal meetings.  A singular feature of the membership of this institution was that the representatives of the State Council and Duma were appointed by the Empress.  Moreover, the Empress was free to invite whomever she pleased to be a member of the Council, and to bring up for discussion any question she chose.  [Ref: Paul P. Gronsky and Nicholas J. Astrov, “The War and the Russian Government,” pp. 29-30]

A week later, on August 17, 1914, the Tsar and Empress arrived at Moscow where the crowds were even more enthusiastic in their response to the presence of the Imperial couple than St. Petersburg had been.  Nicholas chose to drive informally through the city whilst he was there and he met with public ovations that exceeded those of his coronation.  As an act of loyalty to the Allied Cause, Nicky insisted that both the British and French Ambassadors walk close to him as he left the religious service at the Cathedral of the Assumption.  In way of explanation of this breach of court etiquette during the intense passion of the crowds, Nicky explained to both men, “These acclamations are addressed to you as well as to me.”  

Baroness Buxhoeveden tells us that:

The Emperor and Empress went everywhere, and all day long saw various people in connection with the war work.  The Empress sat up till late in her small dressing-room, the room she generally used, discussing war charities with the Grand Duchess Elisabeth Feodorovna (Serge) [as Ella was already Vice President of the Empress' Supreme Council], who had at once begun to take an active part in everything as well as doing her usual work at the “Obitel.”  The Imperial party inspected the Zemstvo relief organizations, those of the nobility, and of the merchants, and the hospitals that had just been opened and many others.   The Empress never though of her health.  She braced herself to do more than ordinary human strength could manage.  She seemed indefatigable, and her suite could scarcely keep up with her.  She wrote Princess Louis of Battenberg, describing her work in her haste in telegraphic style:

                                                                                                                                             

[Letter No. 10. Tsarskoe Selo, Oct. 22-nd 1914]

Awfully busy.  Have seen splendid sklad of merchants—nobility, Zemstvos and mine.  Blessed two hundred sisters, images on strings, whatever free.  Returning over St. Serge and there part from Ella…Have no new of many people who could not return or be found and return in an awful plight, bruised, ill-treated.  Such horrors they have gone through, it’s inconceivable, simple twentieth-century culture.  Shall get my hospitals in order at Zarskoe [sic] and then set Olga and Tatiana to work…Glad for Ella’s sake that we have been here to cheer her up…She has any amount to do, is energetic, here there and everywhere...  [Ref: Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden, “The Life and Tragedy of Alexandra Feodorovna, Empress of Russia,” pp. 190-191]                                                                                                                                                           

Shortly after Nicky and Alix returned to St. Petersburg, Nicholas issued an Imperial ukase on September 14, 1914 that established the:

…Committee of the Grand Duchess Tatiana for the Temporary Relief of War Sufferer…[which] was concerned with the grant of relief to the vast numbers of refugees from areas occupied by the enemy.  The honorary president of this Committee was the second daughter of the Emperor, the Grand Duchess Tatiana; the president of the Committee, who presided over the meetings, and the vice-presidents and members were appointed by the Grand Duchess Tatiana with the sanction of the Empress.  The Committee was comprised of representatives of the Ministries of the Interior, War, Transport, and Finance; in addition to these, the president might invite to the meetings of the committee representatives of other government departments and such persons as might be thought useful.

The refugees included many non-Russian inhabitants of the western provinces of Russia, Poles, Lithuanians, Letts, Jews, as well as Ruthenians from the sections of Galicia occupied by the Russians.  That is why the Committee was composed of representatives of various organizations of racial groups for the relief of refugees of their own race.  Unlike the Supreme Council, the Committee of the Grand Duchess Tatiana proved itself an active and energetic institution.  [Ref: Paul P. Gronsky and Nicholas J. Astrov, “The War and the Russian Government,” pp. 30-31]

Let’s review Ella’ position of responsibility as the Vice President of the Empress’ Supreme Council.  The first excerpt is interesting as Ella appears to want to visit the Empress’ store at Lvov to see how it is organized and stocked and at the same time she want to keep her visit a secret from Moscow which is interesting to think about. 

Alix tells Nicky the day before she starts her inspection tour to Luga on Oct. 23, 1914:
 
Letter No. 10. Tsarskoe Selo, Oct. 22-nd 1914

]Ella that she wants to go and see my store at Lvov, without anybody knowing about it - she will come here so as that the Moscou public should know nothing, the first days of November! We envy her and Ducky fearfully - but still hope you will send for us to meet you.   

As Alix continues her arduous but inspiring hospital inspection tours she deputizes Ella in November 1914 to inspect the Empress’ newly formed hospitals on the Carpathian front.  Hugo Mager tells us:

Late in November 1914, the grand duchess saw the line of battle for the first time.  She traveled south to the newly captured areas of the Carpathians to inspect Alexandra’s field hospitals and depots.  At Lemberg she met once again her nursing sister who had gone to war, Princess Marie Obelenskaya.  The weather was bitterly cold, and snow had already fallen.  Elizabeth saw some of the numerous wounded and dying soldiers that represented the cost of the advance into Austria.  Yet morale was still high, and the empress’s facilities seemed well run.  She was able to visit Tsarskoe and give her sister a reassuring report.   [Ref: Hugo Mager, “Elizabeth, Grand Duchess of Russia,” p. 277]

[Letter No. 19 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 20-th 1914]

This is also confirmed by the Empress’ letter to her sister Victoria on November 25, 1914:

…Ella will return in a few days from Lvov [Lemberg].

She wired that she was in the Carpathian, that there was snow in Lvov and bitterly cold. Contented with what she saw and my sklad there and my four sklad trains working.   [Ref: Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden, “The Life and Tragedy of Alexandra Feodorovna, Empress of Russia,” p. 198]                                                                                                                                                         

Alix write Nicky of Ella’s return visit to Tsarskoe Selo where Ella reports back to the Empress about the condition of Alix’ hospitals on the Austrian front:

Letter No. 19 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 20-th 1914 Ella arrived Monday - really don't know what to do - wish you were here to ask and this letter will reach you only Saturday at earliest, and then we ought to be off. I shall think it over still.

Letter No. 22.   Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 23rd 1914, Sunday 
Ella arrives to morrow evening.

Letter No. 23 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 24th 1914
Ella arrives this evening. –

Letter No. 24. Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 25th 1914
Ella came for luncheon, remains still to-morrow. We had her report and the 2 Mekk's, Rost. and Apraxin - for 2 hours, that is why I had no time to write a real letter.

Letter No. 24. Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 25th 1914
Ella and Children kiss you. Ella says General Schwartz adores you. -

No. 25 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 26-th 1914
Ella went in the afternoon with Olga and me to the big palace and she spoke to all the wounded; one of them was wounded last war and lay at Moscou. and remembers her having come to see him.

Now we come to the Empress’ December 1914 inspection tour of the hospitals in Moscow that all of us are so curious to learn the facts about. 

You can access the back pages of this theme for Ania as well as Baroness Buxhoeveden’s description of this visit.  While the two women were not sympathetic to each other, they both agree that the Empress was hurt by her reception in Moscow.  It is important to understand that while the Empress insisted on the anonymity of her visits to various cities on her lengthy inspection tours, she told Nicky that had learned on her extensive November 1914 inspection tour that it was better to notify the authorities of her arrival and I believe that is why her cold reception in Moscow was so hurtful to her.   

Having said that, I believe that the Empress arrived in Moscow with her two older daughters and Ania V. on Dec. 2, 1914. 

I base my assumption on two facts.  The Empress had just returned to Tsarskoe Selo on Sunday Nov. 23, 1914 from an extensive inspection tour and was still at Tsarskoe on Dec. 1, 1914 as we shall see from the excerpt below:

Letter No. 28. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 1st, 1914
The joy to meet will be intense, only the pain to leave the little Ones for a whole week is great - I cant get accustomed to separations - sweet Agooweeone. –
 
I believe that the plan was for Alix to arrive in Moscow on Dec. 2 with her two older daughters and Ania and commence her hospital inspection tour.

Nicky telegram to Alix on Dec. 2 appears to support my assumption:

Kiurdamir. 2 December, 1914.

I hope you are not tiring yourself in the hospitals...

Nicky, who was on his own tour of the troops and hospital facilities, planned to up with the Alix around Dec. 4 or Dec. 5.  Nicky had telegrammed Alix on Dec. 3rd just before sending this undated telegram so that is why I am a bit ambivalent about the actual date of his arrival in Moscow.  Nicky tells Alix:

Telegram.

Novocherkask. No date.

Have been to see many hospitals. Am leaving at 7 o'clock in the evening. I am very happy to meet you tomorrow…

From what Alix writes her former governess, Miss Jackson, it appears that a week after the Tsar joined the Empress, his two daughters and Ania in Moscow, the three younger children joined the family and spent another week in Moscow.  Alix tells Madgie:

…During your Xmas we were in Moscow—he [the Emperor] s away a month from here and the children and I two weeks.  I visited hospitals in 8 towns [Nov. inspection tour] with my big girls and in Moscow he joined us from the Caucasus and the 3 little ones from Zarskoe.   [Ref: Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden, “The Life and Tragedy of Alexandra Feodorovna, Empress of Russia,” p. 194]                                                                                                                                                           

[Telegram.Stavka. 14 December, 1914.]

The Imperial couple appears to have parted in Moscow on Dec. 13, 1914 with Nicky returning to General Headquarters and Alix and her children and Ania to Tsarskoe Selo.  Nicky telegrams Alix on Dec. 14, 1914:

Telegram.

Stavka. 14 December, 1914.
…I have felt tired ever since leaving Moscow. 
 
On that same day Alix tells Nicky:

Letter No. 30 Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 14-th
I have sent the letter to Ella to enquire into this [mistreatment of German prisoners] and make a good row, its hideous and to me utterly incomprehensible.

Letter No. 30 Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 14-th
Wont you ask Shavelsky to send out the Priest in the regiments more Saint Sacrements and wine, so as that more can take Holy Communion - I send what I can with our store trains, - Ella too. - -

Letter No. 31. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 15-th 1914
Ella wrote in despair, trying to get to the bottom of the things about the trains and hospitals - she beleives the orders came from Petrograd. Often the orders from there are very cruel towards the wounded in the military hospitals. When she knows all, she will write to Alek. –

Letter No. 32. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 16-th 1914
There is something wrong about this evacuation question, Ella is trying to clear it up on her side. –

In three days Nicky will have returned to Tsarskoe and will spend the Russian Christmas season at home. 

To answer Helen’s question about Ania’s statement that Ella refused to listen to Alix’ point of view when it came to discussing Rasputin I found that the sympathetic biographer of Ella, Hugo Mager was in total agreement with Ania’s statement.  Hugo that Ella:
 
…had some unfriendly exchanges with Alexandra.  She asked her sister about Rasputin’s political influence; Alexandra denied there was any such thing, which Elizabeth showed a cold refusal to believe.  [Ref: Hugo Mager, “Elizabeth, Grand Duchess of Russia,” pp. 277-278]

Hugo corroborates Ania’s statement without quoting or footnoting her as a source.  Then Hugo goes on to state that though Ella was politically naïve:

…she was well briefed by her friends, the Youssuopovs, Dzhunkovsky, and Samarin.  In her turn, she knew her sister better that anyone else in Moscow, and could let them know her state of mind….

As the most important figure in her circle, Elizabeth was decisive in stirring them to action.  She now accepted that she would have no influence on her obstinate younger sister, so she spurred on her friends to try their utmost to make the emperor change his course. 

The first was General Vladimir Dzhunkovsky…  The emperor, shocked at Elizabeth’s treatment by the Moscow mobs, sent him to make a report on the riots.  Returning to Tsarskoe Selo, he risked his career and showed the emperor a report on Rasputin’s debauch at the Yar…The empress and Rasputin now regarded Dzhunkovsky with a still greater enmity.  [Ref: Hugo Mager, “Elizabeth, Grand Duchess of Russia,” p. 283]

From Mager’s statement I can easily find Ella’s secret meeting with Dimitri a week and a half later as making perfect sense.  I will expand on this premise in my next post.  I can't help but feel that Ella turned against her sister during that two week visit to Moscow in Dec. 1914.  Even a sympathetic biographer of Ella, such as Hugo Mager seems to confirm my feeling that Ella formed a conspiracy against her sister as a result of the Moscow visit in 1914.

I have more information to share on Ella's connecton with Dzhunkovsky that even Warwick was hard pressed to explain away. 

I wouldn't say she actually turned against Alix. It sounds a bit harsh?

Ferah my remarks may seem harsh, but we need tp remember that Ella had been actively involved in removing Rasputin since 1910.  I think, as Mager points out, Ella was not passive in her attempts to dissuade her younger sister.  Indeed, as Mager points out, Ella was the motivator of her Moscow clique which included members of the Tsar's government.  The other thing that we need to ponder about Ella is that she was the source of ill-informed information against the Empress.  I will quote all the entries about Rasputin in 1914 as they confirm Alix' statement that Rasputin had no political influence, a remark that even Ella's sympathetic biographer admitted had fallen on Ella' deaf ears.  Clearly by December 1914 Ella had given up all hope that Alix would listen to her and it was at this time that she chose to use covert means against her younger sister.  I don't think that anyone could call Mager's conclusions harsh.  As Mager points out, in spite of himself, it was Ella's reasoning that was harsh and unjust.  Clearly Ella did not know Alix at all. 

And Ferah we still have not reviewed Ella's silence on her husband aggressive persecution of the Jews.  She does not mention concern about her husband's repressive measures in any of her letters.  I have my suspicions about Ella and I can't help but feel that part of her abhorrence of Rasputin was his tie to Jewish business interests because of his Jewish secretary.  As we have seen with Miasoedov, just being married to a Jewish wife was enough evidence to some Orthodox Russian's of treason. 

I am highly suspicious of Ella because she never speaks out against her husband's harsh treatment of the Jews in any of her letters and added to this are the accusations against her of equal virulence against the Jews. 

Though we have been informed by accurate sources that even Nicky finally felt that the Jews were responsible for the down fall of Russia, a view that was understandable after the Bolshevik Revolution, given the disproportionate number of Russian Jews that were part of that Revolution, still we need to remember that among the very first acts of the Tsar when he took over command of the army and displaced the highly anti-Semitic GD Nikolai, was to dissolve the Russian Pale and allow the Russian Jews to live where ever they wanted to.  Even this act must have seemed to Ella as an act of desecration against the Orthodox faith and something that had to have been inspired by the evil pro-German Rasputin.  At the same time, when the Duma urged the Tsar to grant greater freedoms to the Jews, Nicky responded with great wisdom that were he to do so the extreme Right would assassinate him. 

When it comes to Ella, I can't help but feel that there is some truth in the Empress Dowager’s observations about Ella.  When the Empress’ sister appeared in public with the Romanov family, attired in her elegant haute couture Abbess robes designed by the artistry of the famed Michael Nesterov and executed by elegant Parisian fashion house of Pacquin, the Empress Dowager caustically remarked that Ella seemed:

 “a theatrical martyr, relishing the attention” drawn by her exotic costume.”  [Ref: Greg King, “The Court of the Last Tsar,” p. 81]

[Novocherkask. No date.]

Nicky, who was on his own tour of the troops and hospital facilities, planned to up with the Alix around Dec. 4 or Dec. 5.  Nicky had telegrammed Alix on Dec. 3rd just before sending this undated telegram so that is why I am a bit ambivalent about the actual date of his arrival in Moscow.  Nicky tells Alix:

Telegram.
Novocherkask. No date.
Have been to see many hospitals. Am leaving at 7 o'clock in the evening. I am very happy to meet you tomorrow…

Fortunately Nicholas' diary for 1914 is available on line.  This is what I found: (All dates are Old Style dates.)

Nicholas arrived at the railway station of Ellisavetiol in the morning of 2 December, and later that same day Kiurdamir; passed Grozny in the evening of 3 December and reached Samachkinskaya later that evening; arrived at Vladikavkaz on 4 December, 10h00; Novotcherkassk in the morning of 5 December; and Voronez at about 10h00 in the morning of 6 December. He was reunited with Alix, Olga and Tatiana about half an hour later. They traveled on together, reaching Tambov on 7 December; Ryazin in the morning of 8 December; and finally Moscow at the end of the afternoon (5h45) of that same day, 8 December. There they met the three youngest children and Ella.

Alix and the children left for Tsarskoe Selo on 12 December, 9h45 in the evening, whereas Nicholas left westward to join the army, arriving at stavka the following morning at 10h45. The Emperor returned to Tsarskoe Selo on 19 December, arriving at 10 o'cock in the evening.

[…had some unfriendly exchanges with Alexandra. She asked her sister about Rasputin’s political influence; Alexandra denied there was any such thing, which Elizabeth showed a cold refusal to believe.]

Ella:
…had some unfriendly exchanges with Alexandra.  She asked her sister about Rasputin’s political influence; Alexandra denied there was any such thing, which Elizabeth showed a cold refusal to believe.  [Ref: Hugo Mager, “Elizabeth, Grand Duchess of Russia,” pp. 277-278]

Hugo corroborates Ania’s statement without quoting or footnoting her as a source.  Then Hugo goes on to state that though Ella was politically naïve:

…she was well briefed by her friends, the Youssuopovs, Dzhunkovsky, and Samarin.  In her turn, she knew her sister better that anyone else in Moscow, and could let them know her state of mind….

Thank you for this information, Griff. It's a pity Mager didn't state his sources. I think it's sad that Ella seemed to have preferred to believe briefings by the Youssuopovs, Dzhunkovsky, and Samarin - information that was received indirectly and partly fabricated - rather than information received directly from one of the main actors in the whole affair.

Mager may be right that Ella knew Alix better than anyone else in Moscow, but how many people in Moscow did know Alix in person? This is no proof whatsoever, though, that Ella understood Alix or that she had an accurate and detailed picture of what was going on. Griff, I tend to agree with your statement that "Ella did not know Alix at all". (And vice versa, Alix may not have known Ella.) None of us were present at the conversations Ella and Alix had, so it's difficult to say anything with certainty about the words used by either party. But the wording and tone of a letter Ella wrote to Nicholas/Alix in 1910 about Rasputin were such that I can perfectly well see why she did not achieve anything. It read like a 'crash course of what NOT to say', pushing all the wrong buttons. If she had known Alix, I think she would have chosen an entirely different approach.

And Ferah we still have not reviewed Ella's silence on her husband aggressive persecution of the Jews.  She does not mention concern about her husband's repressive measures in any of her letters. 

Griff, she did comment on it at least once. Christopher Warwick cites a letter Ella wrote to her brother, touching upon the 1892 Moscow expulsions: "I cannot believe that we will not be judged in some way for this in the future. He [Serge] believes this is for our security. I see nothing in it but schame." [Christopher Warwick , "Ella - Princess, Saint & Martyr", p. 165]

When it comes to Ella, I can't help but feel that there is some truth in the Empress Dowager’s observations about Ella.  When the Empress’ sister appeared in public with the Romanov family, attired in her elegant haute couture Abbess robes designed by the artistry of the famed Michael Nesterov and executed by elegant Parisian fashion house of Pacquin, the Empress Dowager caustically remarked that Ella seemed:

 “a theatrical martyr, relishing the attention” drawn by her exotic costume.”  [Ref: Greg King, “The Court of the Last Tsar,” p. 81]

Is that not a little bit exagerate? In my opinion, the Dowager Empress's remark is more the remark of a person who do not understand the work and vocation of an other. Yes, "Mother Elisabeth" Abbess robes was haute couture. But I would not call theatrical the fact that this woman spent night near the dying ill people, pray for them all the night and organize all possibles charities an earth. At the same time, Maria Fedorovna (of course, the respectable little Mother of Russia was not so young) was staying home, visiting friends and sometimes hospitals (not so often), having meetings. She works also, but that is not the same. We should not forget the following: Ella perhaps did not understand Alix (after all, Alix was only 12 when her sister married and went out from Darmstadt), but there were not so many Romanovs who understand Ella's choice fur convent life and charities. The Empress first. See what she told KR one day of 1909.
As for Ella, Alix and Rasputin, something else. I read somewhere Ella thought Rasputin was in a state of spiritual illusion. The concept is very important in the orthodox spirituality. The question of spiritual illusion was even discussed by Ella and Nicky in their correspondance, about Ella herself, at the time she founded her convent. Spiritual illusion is vew as a very dangerous spiritual state which can have for consequence the "spiritual death" of the person. Even if such "diagnosis" is not the problem of Ella but of experimented confessors, it is easy to understand what she means: Alix, be careful, you want to be orthodox, but you are not on the right way, this "holly man" can lead you to the perdition. For me, as an orthodox believer, it makes sense. It does not explain all (it is not a justification for conspiration, for example), but we should pay attention to those things.

Though we have been informed by accurate sources that even Nicky finally felt that the Jews were responsible for the down fall of Russia, a view that was understandable after the Bolshevik Revolution, given the disproportionate number of Russian Jews that were part of that Revolution, still we need to remember that among the very first acts of the Tsar when he took over command of the army and displaced the highly anti-Semitic GD Nikolai, was to dissolve the Russian Pale and allow the Russian Jews to live where ever they wanted to.  Even this act must have seemed to Ella as an act of desecration against the Orthodox faith and something that had to have been inspired by the evil pro-German Rasputin.  At the same time, when the Duma urged the Tsar to grant greater freedoms to the Jews, Nicky responded with great wisdom that were he to do so the extreme Right would assassinate him. 

I have respectfully to take issue with a number of your statements here, Griff. I do not feel that Nicholas's removal of Nikolasha was a stand against anti-semitism; I think it was measure designed to restore order and coherance in government. Nicholas made no secret in his diaries long before the revolution of his own opinion of the Jews - sympathising for example with those who might feel inspired by one of KR's plays to start a pogrom, and banning the play as a result - for the sake of order alone. And he built on and added to his father's legal restrictions on Jews.
By 1915 of course the right was starting to feel that the restrictions on Jews were discrediting Russia abroad and embittering the Jews themselves - hence the view of Nikolasha and others that those living in the Pale were likely to collaborate with the Germans. This is the reason Nikolasha cleared the Pale and is also I think the ONLY reason Nicholas contemplated any change in the legal situation. Alexandra is a more complicated case: like Ella, she speaks out on occasion against "injustice;" yet even she noted at once when a revolutionary had a Jewish name.
Fear of assassination by the far left (which surely was a greater possibility at any point in his reign?) never prompted Nicholas to make any changes at all, so I don't understand his fear of the far right. And his list of "Jewish revolutionaries" in his diary of 1918 includes many who had no Jewish connections at all - so I feel it was something more than the reality of the situation that inspired him to comment on this, and to note the Protocols of the Elders of Zion as "timely reading". I think if we over-emphasise Ella's failings in this sphere we would definitely be guilty of using her faults to make unjustifiable excuses for Nicholas and Alexandra. I would never in a million years see Nicholas as more liberal to the Jews than she, I'm afraid....

As for Ella, Alix and Rasputin, something else. I read somewhere Ella thought Rasputin was in a state of spiritual illusion. The concept is very important in the orthodox spirituality. The question of spiritual illusion was even discussed by Ella and Nicky in their correspondence, about Ella herself, at the time she founded her convent. Spiritual illusion is seen as a very dangerous spiritual state which can have for consequence the "spiritual death" of the person. Even if such "diagnosis" is not the problem of Ella but of experimented confessors, it is easy to understand what she means: Alix, be careful, you want to be orthodox, but you are not on the right way, this "holly man" can lead you to the perdition. For me, as an orthodox believer, it makes sense. It does not explain all (it is not a justification for conspiration, for example), but we should pay attention to those things.

I'm glad you mentioned the concept of "spiritual death". It's a phrase that has come to my mind in this context over and over again too. I use it in a slightly different sense, though: "spiritual death" as in a state of being spiritually straitjacketed, being coerced to restrict one's spirituality to a limited number of traditions accepted by third parties, not being allowed to follow one's individual path of spiritual growth.

I can understand why Ella wanted to warn her younger sister of the danger of being led 'astray' by someone who was in a state of 'spiritual delusion'. Ella's opposition to Rasputin, however, seems to have gone much further than just a warning. Ella was not qualified to make assessments of people's state of mind, let alone their spiritual state. Yet she seems to have done just that. Ella's circle of friends was a source of ill-informed information against Rasputin and the Empress, so Ella's judgement regarding Rasputin's spiritual state was less than sound and of little value. That wouldn't have been a problem if the next step had been as innocent as Rasputin not being invited to a ball or a tea party, but her next steps were that she actively plotted against him and helped 'remove' the man.  The fact that she refused to believe Alix makes me wonder whether Ella perhaps wanted to believe the worst. And on a different level, the question presents itself to what extent Ella knew her own limitations and her own spiritual state.

Before I respond to all the very helpful remarks that everyone has so carefully thought out and shared, I thought I might share some research that I have completed about Ella's robes.  

I was thinking all today about Ella and her religious robes and the Empress Dowager’s caustic but possibly intuitive observation of Ella.  Wanting to know everything, as I do, and putting aside for now, the question of Ella’s worldliness, I was determined to understand why Ella entrusted Michael Nesterov’s designs to Madame Paquin’s haute courtier fashion house in Paris and not to the House of Worth which she had patronized for twenty years.  

While I understood why Ella had chosen the talented Michael Nesterov to design robes of soft gray baize with white cambric wimples and white wool veils for herself and her sisters... [Ref: Greg King, “The Court of the Last Tsar,” p. 81], I could not understand why Ella had commissioned the Parisian fashion establishment of Mme. Jeanne Paquin to make her own robes, including her ceremonial robe in pearl-colored baize.

The House of Paquin, unlike the House of Worth that had been established in 1868, did not start business until the year that Ella converted to the Russian Orthodox faith and became the First Lady of Moscow in 1891 upon her husband’s appointment as Governor-General.  

Then I saw the lovely and romantic evening wrap that Madame Paquin had created in 1912 and I completely understood Ella’s choice.      


Madame Jeanne Paquin Evening Wrap, circa 1912

As is clearly apparent in the above photo, Madame Paquin established a reputation for her rich, glamorous, romantic clothes and fine workmanship.  Her gowns, described as “from fairyland,” were popular with actresses and socialites…She accepted dress designs from Paul Iribe and Leon Bakst [of the Ballet Russe] which she made up.”  [Ref: Georgina O’Hara, “The Encyclopedia of Fashion, p. 187]  

I could completely understand why Ella entrusted the realization of Michael Nesterov’s designs to Madame Paquin.  It is too bad that the author of "The Encyclopedia of Fashion," did include the fact that Mme. Paquin also accepted Michael Nesterov’s designs for the Grand Duchess Ella’s day and ceremonial robes.  It would have added depth and variety to Mme. Paquin's Russian patrons.  

 
Ella in her pearl colored biaze ceremonial robe. circa 1910.

In the painting above I can feel the perfect execution by Mme. Paquin rendering of Michael Nesterov’s designs.  The artist of this painting, whose name I do not know, has caught the full drama of Ella in her pearl-colored baize ceremonial robe, the very ceremonial robe that caused the Empress Dowager’s to make that stinging observation about Ella.  

Another aspect of Ella’s robes that is of interest to me is her desire that her robes and those of her sisters be constructed in felted wool baize.  Today the fabric is exclusively used to cover gaming tables and in Ella’s day green baize was applied to the door that separated the servant’s quarters from the rest of the house.  None of the family was encouraged to go beyond the green baize door, while servants were permitted to come and go through the green baize door to accomplish their duties.  

[RASPUTIN]

Clearly Ella’s choice of baize had symbolic meaning and must have presented an interesting challenge to Mme. Paquin.  The other curious quality about baize is that it is not usually designed to be washed and can warp if exposed to water.  Perhaps Mme. Paquin had specially designed wool baize that could be laundered.  If not she must have continued to supply the Grand Duchess with robes for her daily and ceremonial use.   

As an interesting footnote, I find so strangely symbolic is that Michael Nesterov, the same artist who helped define Ella’s spiritual authority in the creation of his designs for her religious robes, was the same man that painted his famous canvas, “In Russia,” that portrayed a Holy Fool as the unofficial spiritual leader of the Russian Church.  Nesterov exhibited his painting, “In Russia,” the same year Rasputin was murdered. 

Was he consciously or unconsciously portraying Rasputin?  Or was he consciously or unconsciously rebuking Rasputin by his portrayal of a true Holy Fool?

In a lengthy discussion on Holy Fools, Orlando Figes tells us that:

Writers and artists portrayed the Holy Fool as an archetype of the simple Russian believer.  In Pushkin’s and Musorgsky’s Boris Godunov the Holy Fool appears as the Tsar’s conscience and as the voice of the suffering people.  Prince Myshkin, the epileptic, Christ-like hero of The Idiot, is called a Holy Fool by the wealthy merchant Rogozhin: and Dostoevsky clearly wanted to create in him a genuinely Christian individual who, like the Holy Fool, is driven to the margins of society.  In his painting, In Russia (1916) Mikhail Nesterov portrayed the Holy Fool as the unofficial spiritual leader of the Russian Church.  [Ref: Orlando Figes, “Natasha’s Dance,” p. 374]

If we examine the issues that concerned Rasputin in 1914, as revealed in the Empress’ 1914 War Correspondence, we must ask ourselves if this man’s distress, and blessings, and prayers were not genuinely Christian:

RASPUTIN

Letter No. 3. Tsarskoe Selo, Sept. 19-th 1914
He [Alexis] will quickly get better now that our Friend has seen him & that will be a relief to you.

Letter No. 4. Tsarskoe Selo, Sept. 20-th 1914
Our Friend is happy for your sake that you have gone and was so glad to have seen you yesterday.

Letter No. 4. Tsarskoe Selo, Sept. 20-th 1914
He always fears Bonheur, that is to say, the crows want him to get the P. throne or in Galicia that that is there aim but I said she should quieten him, even out of thanks you would never risk such a thing. Gr. loves you jealously and cant hear N. playing a part. –

Letter No. 7. Tsarskoe Selo, Sept. 24-th 1914
after wh. I flew for a half an hour with Olga to Anias house, as our Friend spent the afternoon with her and wanted to see me. He asked after you and hoped you would go to the fortress. –

Letter No. 7. Tsarskoe Selo, Sept. 24-th 1914
And our Friend helps you carry yr. heavy cross and great responsibilities - and all will come right, as the right is on our side.

Letter No. 8. Tsarskoe Selo, Oct. 20-th 1914
I copy out Gr.'s telegr. for you to remember:
"Having been administered the sacred mysteries at the communion cup, beseeching Christ, tasting of His body and blood, there was a spiritual vision of Heavenly Beautiful rejoining. Grant that the Heavenly Power be with you on the road, that angels be in the ranks of our warriors for the salvation of our steadfast heroes with joy and victory."

Letter No. 12. Tsarskoe Selo, Oct. 24-th 1914
Our Friend was very pleased we went to Luga and in sisters dresses and wants me to go about more and not to wait for your return to go to Pskov, so I shall spin off again, only this time must tell the Governor I suppose, as its a bigger town - but that makes it always shyer work. I shall take then linnen with me to the military hospital which Marie said needed things, or send it after. –

Letter No. 12. Tsarskoe Selo, Oct. 24-th 1914
Our Friend intends leaving for home about the 5-th and wishes to come to us this evening.

[Letter No. 13 Tsarskoe Selo October 25-th 1914]

Letter No. 13 Tsarskoe Selo October 25-th 1914
Our Friend came for an hour in the evening; he will await your return and then go off for a little home. - He had seen M-me Muftizade who is in an awful state, and Ania was with her - it seems Lavrinovsky is ruining everything - sending off good Tartars to Turky and most unjust to all - so that they begged her to come to their Valideh to pour out their complaints, as they are truly devoted subjects. They would like Kniazhevitch to replace Layrinovsky, and our Friend wishes me quickly to speak to Maklakov, as he says one must not waste time until your return. So I shall send for him, pardon my mixing in what does not concern me, but its for the good of the Crimea and then Maklakov can at once write a report to you to sign - if you cannot let Kniazhevitch leave the army now (tho' I think he would be of more use in the Crimea) then another must be found. I shall tell Maklekov that you and I spoke about Lavri-Movsky already. He seems to be most brutal to the Tartars and its certainly not the moment when we have war with Turky to behave like that. Please don't be angry with me, and give me some sort of an answer by wire - that you "approve", or "regret" my mixing in - and whether you think Kniazhevitch a good candidate, it will quieten me; and I shall know how to speak to Masha Muftizade. - You remember he was angry she wished to see me about sending things to the regiment, and founded that Tartars must not show themselves in their dresses before us, and so on offending them constantly. He may do better in another government; I know Apraxin is of the same opinion, and was deeply grieved by the change he found. -

[The issue that so concerned Mme. Muftizade, Rasputin and the Empress was that General Lavrinovsky appears to have deliberately antagonized the Russian Muslims by refusing forcing them to fight Turkish Muslims and there by creating great conflicts in loyalty for the Russian’ Muslims that could have ended in rebellion.  I may have read the issue incorrectly, however it appears that the Empress acted quickly to find an answer to the brutal treatment of the Russian Muslim troops.]    

Letter No. 15 Tsarskoe Selo, Oct. 27-th 1914
How is the news to-day, I wonder - she says our Friend is rather anxious perhaps to-morrow He will see all better again, & pray all the more for success.

Letter No. 16 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov.17-th 1914
You always bring "revival" as our Friend says. I am glad his telegram came, comforting to know His prayers follow you.

Letter No. 20. Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 21-st 1914
This is the wire I just received from our Friend. "When you comfort the wounded God makes His name famous through your gentleness and glorious work." So touching and must give me strength to get over my shyness. –

Letter No. 23 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 24-th 1914
I begged A. to wire to our Friend that things are very serious and we beg for his prayers.

Letter No. 27 Tsarskoe Selo, Nov. 28-th 1914
…our Friend wishes me besides to go [on another hospital inspection tour], & so I must swallow my shyness.

Letter No. 28. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 1-st 1914
Our Friend wired: "Be crowned with earthly happiness, the heavenly wreaths follow you."

Letter No. 30 Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 14-th 1914
Our Friend arrives to-morrow and says we shall have better news from the war Ania goes to meet him in town. –

Letter No. 31. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 15-th 1914
He must have arrived, A. has gone to meet him, I only saw her a second, she was with the Children in the hospital and then lunched with them.

Letter No. 32. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 16-th 1914
I spoke a second to Gr. by telephone, sends: Fortitude of spirit, - will soon come to you, will discuss everything. -

Letter No. 33. Tsarskoe Selo, Dec. 17-th 1914
This morning our Friend told her by telephone that He is a little more quiet about the news. –