Documents from the Reigns of Peter I through Nicholas II

[David_Pritchard]

Treaty of Georgievsk, 1783, Part I


Treaty established between Her Imperial Majesty and Tsar Irakli II of Karli and Kakhetia.

Since ancient times, the All-Russian Empire, on account of its same faith as the Georgian people, has served as the defense, support and refuge to the said people and to their Most Serene Sovereigns, against the oppression of their neighbors, to which they were susceptible. The protection given by the All-Russian Autocrats to the Tsars of Georgia, their family and their subjects, has produced this dependence of the latter on the former, which dependence is indicated even in the very Imperial title. Her Imperial Majesty, now happily reigning, has satisfactorily shown her monarchical favor to the said peoples and magnanimous care for their good by Her strong efforts made for their emancipation from the yoke of slavery and from abusive tribute of boys and maidens, which certain of these peoples were obliged to render; and by Her Majesty’s continued care for their Rulers. In this very situation, bowing to a request brought to Her Throne from the Most Serene Tsar of Kartli and Kakhetia, Irakli II Teimurazovich, to receive him with all his heirs and successors, and with all his Kingdoms and Regions in the Monarchical protection of Her Majesty and of Her August Heirs and Successors, with the recognition of the Supreme power of the All-Russian Emperors over the Kingdoms of Kartli and Kakhetia, Most-Gracious consented to prepare and conclude a treaty of friendship with the aforementioned Most Serene Tsar, by means of which, on the one side, His Serene Highness, in his own name and of his successors, recognizing the Supreme power and protection of Her Imperial Majesty and of Her August Successors over the Rulers and peoples of the Kingdoms of Karli and Kakhetia and the other Regions which belong to him, would determine solemnly and precisely his duties with regard to the All-Russian Empire; and on the other side, Her Imperial Majesty in the same manner could determine solemnly what preferences and privileges are to be granted from Her generous and strong right hand to the aforementioned peoples and to their Most Serene Rulers.

For the concluding of said treaty, Her Imperial Majesty has granted full power to Illustrious Prince of the Roman Empire Grigorii Aleksandrovich Potemkin, General of forces, commanding the light cavalry and of many other military forces; Senator; Vice-President of the State Military Ministry; Governor-General of Astrakhan’, Saratov, Azov and Novorossiisk; General-Adjutant and Active Chamberlain; Lieutenant of the Horse Guards; Colonel of the Preobrazhenskii Life Guards; Head of the Armory; knight of the orders of Holy Apostle Andrew, of Alexander Nevskii, of the Military Order of St. George the Great Martyr, and of St. Vladimir Equal-to-the-Apostles; of the Prussian Order of the Black Eagle; and of the Polish orders of the While Eagle, and of St. Stanislav; of the Swedish Order of the Seraphim; of the Danish Order of the Elephant; of the Holstein Order of St. Anna—with power to appoint and to supply, in his absence, with full authority, to whomever he should choose as able; who by, has appointed and fully authorized His Excellency Paul Potemkin, General-Lieutenant of Her Majesty’s army, commander of forces in Astrakhan Province; Her Majesty’s Active Chamberlain; knight of the Russian Orders of St. Alexander Nevskii, of the Military Order of Great Martyr St. George the Victorious; and of the Holstein Order of St. Anne. And His Serene Highness Tsar Irakli Teimurazovich of Kartli and Kakhetia has appointed and fully authorized from his side: Their Highnesses Prince Ivan Konstantinovich Bagration, His General of the Regiment "of the Left Hand," and His Serene Highness General-Adjutant Prince Garssevana Chevchevadze. The aforementioned Plenipotentiaries, having set to work with the help of God and having recognized each other’s plenary powers, have prepared, concluded and signed the following articles.

Art. 1. His Serene Highness Tsar Irakli of Kartli and Kakhetia, in his name and in that of his heirs and successors, solemnly rejects becoming the vassal of any power, any and all dependence on Persia or any other power; and by declares before the face of all the world that he and his successors recognize over themselves no other Authority except the supreme power and protection of the All-Russian Throne of Her Imperial Majesty and of Her August Heirs and Successors, promising to said Throne fidelity and readiness to render aid on behalf of the State on any occasion when such aid be required from him.

Art. 2. Her Imperial Majesty, receiving from His Serene Highness this sincere and solemn promise, equally promises and reassures by means of Her Imperial word, on her own behalf and on that of her Successors, that their favor and protection shall never be withdrawn from the Most Serene Tsars of Kartli and Kakhetia. In proof of which, Her Majesty gives Her Imperial guarantee of the territorial integrity of the present realm of His Serene Highness Tsar Irakli Teimurazovich, proposing to extend such guarantee also to such territories which may in the course of time and by circumstances come to be acquired and, by firm means, secured for him.

Art 3. As an indication of the sincerity with which His Serene Highness the Tsar of Kartli and Kakhetia recognizes the supreme power and protection of the All-Russian Emperors, it is decreed that the aforementioned Tsars, ascending by heredity onto their Throne, are immediately to inform the Russian Imperial Court about, requesting, through their emissaries, Imperial confirmation of the said succession by means of an investiture, consisting of a decree; of a flag with the All-Russian Imperial arms containing the arms of the aforementioned kingdoms; of a sword; of a royal scepter; and of a cloak or an ermine mantle. These symbols are to be delivered to the emissaries or to be conveyed through the Chief of the Border, to the Tsar, who, on receiving them, in the presence of the Russian Minister, is obliged solemnly to take the oath of fidelity and diligence to the Russian Empire and to the recognition of the supreme power and protection of the All-Russian Emperors in the manner described in this treaty. This ceremony is now to be performed by the Most Serene Tsar Irakli Teimurazovich.

Art. 4. For proof that the intentions of His Serene Highness are pure with regards to his close union with the All-Russian Empire and recognition of the supreme power and protection of the Most All Serene Rulers of that Empire, His Serene Highness promises not to have relations with the neighboring Sovereigns without the previous agreement of the Chief of the Border and Her Imperial Majesty’s Minister assigned to; and when emissaries or letters should arrive from these, he shall, on receiving them, consult with the Chief of the Border and with Her Imperial Majesty’s Minister regarding the return of such emissaries and concerning the response to be sent with them back to their Rulers.

Art. 5. In order to facilitate all necessary relations and agreements with the Russian Imperial Court, His Serene Highness the Tsar desires to have at that Court his own Minister or Representative; and Her Imperial Majesty graciously acceding to this, promises that such will at Her Court be received as other Ministers of Sovereign Princes of the same rank; and, furthermore, is pleased on her side, to keep His Serene Highness a Russian Minister or Representative.

[David_Pritchard]

Treaty of Georgievsk, 1783, Part II

Art. 6. Her Imperial Majesty, having received with favor the recognition of Her supreme power and protection over the Kingdoms of Karlti and Georgia, pledges in Her Own name and in that of Her Successors: 1) to consider the peoples of these Kingdoms as being in a close union and in complete harmony with Her Empire, and, consequently, to regard their enemies as Her enemies; thus a peace concluded with the Ottoman Porte or with Persia or another power or region would extend also to these peoples protected by Her Majesty; 2) to preserve His Serene Highness Tsar Irakli Teimurazovich and the Heirs and descendants to his House, uninterrupted on the Throne of the Kingdoms of Kartli and Kakheti; 3) to leave the power for internal administration, law and order, and the collection of taxes complete will and use of His Serene Highness the Tsar, forbidding [Her Majesty’s] Military and Civil Authorities to intervene in any.

Art. 7. His Serene Highness the Tsar, accepting with due respect this gracious assurance on the part of Her Imperial Majesty, promises on his own behalf and that of his descendants: 1) to be ready at all times to serve Her Majesty with his military forces; 2) to meet the needs of the Russian Authorities, being in constant contact with them regarding all affairs relating to service to Her Imperial Majesty, and to protect subjects form all offenses and oppression; 3) in the appointment of persons to offices and in their promotions in rank, to show respect for their services before the Russian Empire, on which depends the peace and prosperity of the Kingdoms of Kartli and Kakhetia.

Art. 8. In proof of Her especial, Imperial good will toward His Serene Highness the Tsar and to his peoples, and for the greater union with Russia of this peoples of the same faith, Her Imperial Majesty is pleased the Catholicos, or their Archbishop, to occupy the eighth rank among the Russian Archbishops, that is, after the Tobol’sk, most graciously conferring upon permanently the title of Member of the Holy Synod. Concerning the administration of the Georgian Church and relations with the Russian Synod, a special article will be formulated.

Art. 9. Extending Her favor to the subjects of His Serene Highness the Tsar, to the Princes and Nobles, Her Imperial Majesty decress that will enjoy all the same privileges and advantages granted to the Russian nobility; and His Serene Highness, accepting with gratitude the gracious indulgence to his subjects, is obliged to send to the Court of Her Majesty a list of all noble families, by which it can be precisely known to whom such privileges belong.

Art. 10. It is established that, in general, all persons born in Kartli and Kakhetia may settle in Russia, may leave and return again uninhibited; prisoners, whether freed from the Turks or Persians or other peoples, whether by arms or negotiation, may return to their homelands according to their wishes, paying back only the expenses for their ransom and transport; the same His Serene Highness the Tsar piously promises to fulfill with regard to Russian subjects who have fallen into the hands of neighbors.

Art. 11. Merchants of Kartli and Kakhetia have the freedom to ply their trades in Russia, enjoying the same rights and privileges as native Russian subjects; in return, the Tsar promises to decree, with the main border authority or with Her Majesty’s Minister, that Russian merchants all possible facilitation in their commercial activities in his territories, or passing through to other places, for, without such a precise decree, the conditions pertaining to the advantages his own merchants could not.

Art. 12. The present treaty is to remain in force forever; but in the case it shall be seen as necessary to change or amend it for the mutual benefit of, such changes must be made by mutual consent.

Art. 13. Ratification of the present treaty should be made within six months of it’s being signed or sooner should that be possible.

In authentication of which, the below signed plenipotentiaries, in accordance with their powers, have signed these articles and have affixed their seals to it in the Georgievsk Fortress, this July 24, 1783.

[David_Pritchard]

The Instructions to the Commissioners for Composing a New Code of Laws (1767) Part I

1. The Christian Law teaches us to do mutual Good to one another, as much as possibly we can.

2. Laying this down as a fundamental Rule prescribed by that Religion, which has taken, or ought to take Root in the Hearts of the whole People; we cannot but suppose that every honest Man in the Community is, or will be, desirous of seeing his native Country at the very Summit of Happiness, Glory, Safety, and Tranquillity.

3. And that every Individual Citizen in particular must wish to see himself protected by Laws, which should not distress him in his Circumstances, but, on the Contrary, should defend him from all Attempts of others that are repugnant to this fundamental Rule.

4. In order therefore to proceed to a speedy Execution of what We expect from such a general Wish, We, fixing the Foundation upon the above first-mentioned Rule, ought to begin with an Inquiry into the natural Situation of this Empire.

5. For those Laws have the greatest Conformity with Nature, whose particular Regulations are best adapted to the Situation and Circumstances of the People for whom they are instituted. This natural Situation is described in the three following Chapters.

Chapter I

6. Russia is an European State.

7. This is clearly demonstrated by the following Observations: The Alterations which Peter the Great undertook in Russia succeeded with the greater Ease, because the Manners, which prevailed at that Time, and had been introduced amongst us by a Mixture of different Nations, and the Conquest of foreign Territories, were quite unsuitable to the Climate. Peter the First, by introducing the Manners and Customs of Europe among the European People in his Dominions, found at that Time such Means as even he himself was not sanguine enough to expect.

Chapter II

8. The Possessions of the Russian Empire extend upon the terrestrial Globe to 32 Degrees of Latitude, and to 165 of Longitude.

9. The Sovereign is absolute; for there is no other authority but that which centers in his single Person that can act with a Vigour proportionate to the Extent of such a vast Dominion.

10. The Extent of the Dominion requires an absolute Power to be vested in that Person who rules over it. It is expedient so to be that the quick Dispatch of Affairs, sent from distant Parts, might make ample Amends for the Delay occasioned by the great Distance of the Places.

11. Every other Form of Government whatsoever would not only have been prejudicial to Russia, but would even have proved its entire Ruin.

13. What is the true End of Monarchy? Not to deprive People of their natural Liberty; but to correct their Actions, in order to attain the supreme Good.

14. The Form of Government, therefore, which best attains this End, and at the same Time sets less Bounds than others to natural Liberty, is that which coincides with the Views and Purposes of rational Creatures, and answers the End, upon which we ought to fix a steadfast Eye in the Regulations of civil Polity.

15. The Intention and the End of Monarchy is the Glory of the Citizens, of the State, and of the Sovereign.

16. But, from this Glory, a Sense of Liberty arises in a People governed by a Monarch; which may produce in these States as much Energy in transacting the most important Affairs, and may contribute as much to the Happiness of the Subjects, as even Liberty itself.

Chapter III

17. Of the Safety of the Institutions of Monarchy.

18. The intermediate Powers, subordinate to, and depending upon the supreme Power, form the essential Part of monarchical Government.

19. I have said, that the intermediate Powers, subordinate and depending, proceed from the supreme Power, as in the very Nature of the Thing the Sovereign is the Source of all imperial and civil Power.

20. The Laws, which form the Foundation of the State, send out certain Courts of judicature, through which, as through smaller Streams, the Power of the Government is poured out, and diffused.

21. The Laws allow these Courts of judicature to remonstrate, that such or such an Injunction is unconstitutional, and prejudicial, obscure, and impossible to be carried into Execution; and direct, beforehand, to which Injunction one ought to pay Obedience, and in what Manner one ought to conform to it. These Laws undoubtedly constitute the firm and immoveable Basis of every State.

Chapter VII

61. There are means of preventing the growth of crimes, and these are the punishments inflicted by the laws....

63. In a word, every punishment which is not inflicted through necessity is tyrannical. The Law has its source not merely from Power [but also from] Nature....

66. All laws which aim at the extremity of rigor, may be evaded. It is moderation which rules a people, and not excess of severity.

67. Civil liberty flourishes when the laws deduce every punishment from the peculiar nature of every crime. The application of punishment ought not to proceed from the arbitrary will or mere caprice of the Legislator, but from the nature of the crime....

68. Crimes are divisible into four classes: against religion, against manners [morality], against the peace, against the security of the citizens....

74. I include under the first class of crimes [only] a direct and immediate attack upon religion, such as sacrilege, distinctly and clearly defined by law.... In order that the punishment for the crime of sacrilege might flow from the nature of the thing, it ought to consist in depriving the offender of those benefits to which we are entitled by religion; for instance, by expulsion from the churches, exclusion from the society of the faithful for a limited time, or for ever....

76. In the second class of crimes are included those which are contrary to good manners.

77. Such [include] the corruption of the purity of morals in general, either public or private; that is, every procedure contrary to the rules which show in what manner we ought to enjoy the external conveniences given to man by Nature for his necessities, interest, and satisfaction. The punishments of these crimes ought to flow also from the nature of the thing [offense]: deprivation of those advantages which Society has attached to purity of morals, [for example,] monetary penalties, shame, or dishonor ... expulsion from the city and the community; in a word, all the punishments which at judicial discretion are sufficient to repress the presumption and disorderly behavior of both sexes. In fact, these offenses do not spring so much from badness of heart as from a certain forgetfulness or mean opinion of one's self. To this class belong only the crimes which are prejudicial to manners, and not those which at the same time violate public security, such as carrying off by force and rape; for these are crimes of the fourth class.

78. The crimes of the third class are those which violate the peace and tranquillity of the citizens. The punishments for them ought also to flow from the very nature of the crime, as for instance, imprisonment, banishment, corrections, and the like which reclaim these turbulent people and bring them back to the established order. Crimes against the peace I confine to those things only which consist in a simple breach of the civil polity.

79. The penalties due to crimes of the fourth class are peculiarly and emphatically termed Capital Punishments. They are a kind of retaliation by which Society deprives that citizen of his security who has deprived, or would deprive, another of it. The punishment is taken from the nature of the thing, deduced from Reason, and the sources of Good and Evil. A citizen deserves death when he has violated the public security so far as to have taken away, or attempted to take away, the life of another. Capital punishment is the remedy for a distempered society. If public security is violated with respect to property, reasons may be produced to prove that the offender ought not in such a case suffer capital punishment; but that it seems better and more comfortable to Nature that crimes against the public security with respect to property should be punished by deprivation of property. And this ought inevitably to have been done, if the wealth of everyone had been common, or equal. But as those who have no property are always most ready to invade the property of others, to remedy this defect corporal punishment was obliged to be substituted for pecuniary. What I have here mentioned is drawn from the nature of things, and conduces to the protection of the liberty of the citizens....

[David_Pritchard]

The Instructions to the Commissioners for Composing a New Code of Laws (1767) Part II

Chapter VIII

80. Of Punishments.

81. The Love of our Country, Shame, and the Dread of public Censure, are Motives which restrain, and may deter Mankind from the Commission of a Number of Crimes.

82. The greatest Punishment for a bad Action, under a mild Administration, will be for the Party to be convinced of it. The civil Laws will there correct Vice with the more Ease, and will not be under a Necessity of employing more rigorous Means.

83. In these Governments, the Legislature will apply itself more to prevent Crimes than to punish them, and should take more Care to instil Good Manners into the Minds of the Citizens, by proper Regulations, than to dispirit them by the Terror of corporal and capital Punishments.

84. In a Word, whatever is termed Punishment in the Law is, in Fact, nothing but Pain and Suffering.

85. Experience teaches us that, in those Countries where Punishments are mild, they operate with the same Efficacy upon the Minds of the Citizens as the most severe in other Places.

86. If a sensible Injury should accrue to a State from some popular Commotion, a violent Administration will be at once for a sudden Remedy, and instead of recurring to the ancient Laws, will inflict some terrible Punishment, in order to crush the growing Evil on the Spot. The Imagination of the People is affected at the Time of this greater Punishment, just as it would have been affected by the least; and when the Dread of this Punishment gradually wears off, it will be compelled to introduce a severer Punishment upon all Occasions.

87. The People ought not to be driven on by violent Methods, but we ought to make Use of the Means which Nature has given us, with the utmost Care and Caution, in order to conduct them to the End we propose.

88. Examine with Attention the Cause of all Licentiousness; and you will find that it proceeds from the Neglect of punishing Crimes, not from the Mildness of Punishments.

Chapter IX

97. Of the administration of Justice in general…

119. The Laws which condemn Man upon the Deposition of one Evidence only are destructive to Liberty.

120. Two Witnesses are absolutely necessary in order to form a right Judgment: For an Accuser, who affirms, and the Party accuses, who denies the Fact, make the Evidence on both Sides equal; for that Reason a Third is required in order to convict the Defendant; unless other clear collateral Proofs should fix the Credibility of the Evidence in favour of one of them.

123. The Usage of Torture is contrary to all the Dictates of Nature and Reason; even Mankind itself cries out against it, and demands loudly the total Abolition of it. We see, at this very Time, a People greatly renowned for the Excellence of their civil Polity, who reject it without any sensible Inconveniencies. It is, therefore, by no Means necessary by its Nature…

156. By making the penal Laws always clearly intelligible, Word by Word, every one may calculate truly and know exactly the Inconveniences of a bad Action; a Knowledge which is absolutely necessary for restraining People from committing it; and the People may enjoy Security with respect both to their Persons and Property; which ought ever to remain so, because this is the main Scope and Object of the Laws, and without which the Community would be dissolved.

158. The Laws ought to be written in the common vernacular Tongue; and the Code, which contains all the Laws, ought to be esteemed as a Book of the utmost Use, which should be purchased at as small a Price as the Catechism. If the Case were otherwise, and the Citizen should be ignorant of the Consequences of his own Actions, and what concerns his Person and Liberty, be will then depend upon some few of the People who have taken upon themselves the Care of preserving and explaining them. Crimes will be less frequent in proportion as the Code of Laws is more universally read, and comprehended by the People. And, for this Reason, it must be ordained, That, in all the Schools, Children should be taught to read alternately out of the Church Books and out of those which contain the Laws....

193. The Torture of the Rack is a Cruelty established and made use of by many Nations, and is applied to the Party accused during the Course of his Trial, either to extort from him a Confession of his Guilt, or in order to clear up some Contradictions in which, he had involved himself during his Examination, or to compel him to discover his Accomplices, or in order to discover other Crimes, of which, though he is not accused, yet he may perhaps be guilty.

194. (1) No Man ought to be looked upon as guilty before he has received his judicial Sentence; nor can the Laws deprive him of their Protection before it is proved that he has forfeited all Right to it. What Right therefore can Power give to any to inflict Punishment upon a Citizen at a Time when it is yet dubious whether he is innocent or guilty? Whether the Crime be known or unknown, it is not very difficult to gain a thorough Knowledge of the Affair by duly weighing all the Circumstances. If the Crime be known, the Criminal ought not to suffer any Punishment but what the Law ordains; consequently the Rack is quite unnecessary. If the Crime be not known, the Rack ought not to be applied to the Party accused; for this Reason, That the Innocent ought not to be tortured; and, in the Eye of the law, every Person is innocent whose Crime is not yet proved. It is undoubtedly extremely necessary that no Crime, after it has been proved, should remain unpunished. The Party accused on the Rack, whilst in the Agonies of Torture, is not Master enough of himself to be able to declare the Truth. Can we give more Credit to a Man when be is light-headed in a Fever, than when he enjoys the free Use of his Reason in a State of Health? The Sensation of Pain may arise to such a Height that, after having subdued the whole Soul, it will leave her no longer the Liberty of producing any proper Act of the Will, except that of taking the shortest instantaneous Method, in the very twinkling of an Eye, as it were, of getting rid of her Torment. In such an Extremity, even an innocent Person will roar out that he is guilty, only to gain some Respite from his Tortures. Thus the very same Expedient, which is made use of to distinguish the Innocent from the Guilty, will take away the whole Difference between them; and the Judges will be as uncertain whether they have an innocent or a guilty Person before them, as they were before the Beginning of this partial Way of Examination. The Rack, therefore, is a sure Method of condemning an innocent Person of a weakly Constitution, and of acquitting a wicked Wretch, who depends upon the Robustness of his Frame.

195. (2) The Rack is likewise made use of to oblige the Party accused to clear up (as they term it) the Contradictions in which he has involved himself in the Course of his Examination; as if the Dread of Punishment, the Uncertainty and Anxiety in determining what to say, and even gross Ignorance itself, common to both Innocent and Guilty, could not lead a timorous Innocent, and a Delinquent who seeks to hide his Villanies, into Contradictions; and as if Contradictions, which are so common to Man even in a State of Ease and Tranquillity, would not increase in that Perturbation of Soul, when he is plunged entirely in Reflections of how to escape the Danger he is threatened with.

196. (3) To make use of the Rack for discovering whether the Party accused has not committed other Crimes, besides that which he has been convicted of, is a certain Expedient to screen every Crime from its proper Punishment: For a judge will always be discovering new Ones. Finally, this Method of Proceeding will be founded upon the following Way of reasoning: Thou art guilty of one Crime, therefore, perhaps, thou hast committed an Hundred others: According to the Laws, thou wilt be tortured and tormented; not only because thou art guilty, but even because thou mayest be still more guilty.

197. (4) Besides this, the Party accussed is tortured, to oblige him to discover his Accomplices. But when we have already proved that the Rack cannot be the proper Means for searching Out the truth, then how can it give any Assistance in discovering, the Accomplices in a Crime? It is undoubtedly extremely easy for him, who accuses himself, to accuse others. Besides, is it just to torture one Man for Crimes of others? Might not the Accomplices be discovered by examining the Witnesses who were produced against the Criminal, by a strict Inquiry into the Proofs alledged against him, and even by the Nature of the Fact itself, and the Circumstances which happened at the Time when the Crime was committed? In short, by all the Means which serve to prove the Delinquent guilty of the Crime he had committed ?. . .

[David_Pritchard]

The Instructions to the Commissioners for Composing a New Code of Laws (1767) Part III

209. Is the punishment of death really useful and necessary in a community for the preservation of peace and good order?
210. Proofs from fact demonstrate to us that the frequent use of capital punishment never mended the morals of a people.... The death of a citizen can only be useful and necessary in one case: which is, when, though he be deprived of liberty, yet he has such power by his connections as may enable him to raise disturbances dangerous to the public peace. This case can happen only when a People either loses or recovers their liberty, or in a time of anarchy, when the disorders themselves hold the place of laws. But in a reign of peace and tranquillity, under a Government established with the united wishes of a whole People, in a state well fortified against external enemies and protected within by strong supports, that is, by its own internal strength and virtuous sentiments rooted in the minds of the citizens, and where the whole power is lodged in the hands of a Monarch: in such a state there can be no necessity for taking away the life of a citizen....

220. A Punishment ought to be immediate, analogous to the Nature of the Crime and known to the Public.

221. The sooner the Punishment succeeds to the Commission of a Crime, the more useful and just it will be. Just; because it will spare the Malefactor the torturing and useless Anguish of Heart about the Uncertainty of his Destiny. Consequently the Decision of an Affair, in a Court of Judicature, ought to be finished in as little Time as possible. I have said before that Punishment immediately inflicted is most useful; the Reason is because the smaller the Interval of Time is which passes between the Crime and the Punishment, the more the Crime will be esteemed as a Motive to the Punishment, and the Punishment as an Effect of the Crime. Punishment must be certain and unavoidable.

222. The most certain Curb upon Crimes is not the Severity of the Punishment, but the absolute Conviction in the People that Delinquents will be inevitably punished.

223.The Certainty even of a small, but inevitable Punishment, will make a stronger impression on the Mind than, the Dread even of capital Punishment, connected with the Hopes of escaping it. As Punishments become more mild and moderate; Mercy and Pardon will be less necessary in Proportion, for the Laws themselves, at such a Time, are replete with the Spirit of Mercy.

224 .However extensive a State may be, every Part Of it must depend upon the Laws.

225. We must endeavour to exterminate Crimes in general, particularly those which are most injurious to the Community: Consequently, the Means made use of by the Laws to deter People from the Commission of every Kind of Crimes ought to be the most powerful, in proportion as the Crimes are more destructive to the Public Good, and in proportion to the Strength of the Temptation by which weak or bad Minds may be allured to the Commission of them. Consequently, there ought to be a fixed stated Proportion between Crimes and Punishments.

226. If there be two Crimes, which injure the Community unequally, and yet receive equal Punishment; then the unequal Distribution of the Punishment will produce this strange Contradiction, very little noticed by any one, though it frequently happens, that the Laws will punish Crimes which proceed from the Laws themselves.

227. If the same Punishment should be inflicted upon a Man for killing an Animal as for killing another Man, or for Forgery, the People will soon make no Difference between those Crimes....

239. (Q. 8) Which are the most efficacious Means of preventing Crimes?

240. It is better to prevent Crimes than to punish them.

241. To prevent Crimes is the Intention and the End of every good Legislation; which is nothing more than the Art of conducting People to the greatest Good, or to leave the least Evil possible amongst them, if it should prove impracticable to exterminate the whole.

242. If we forbid many Actions which are termed indifferent by the Moralists, we shall not prevent the Crimes of which they may be productive, but shall create still new Ones.

243. Would you prevent Crimes? Order it so, that the Laws might rather favour every Individual, than any particular Rank of Citizens, in the Community.

244. Order it so, that the People should fear the Laws, and nothing but the Laws.

245. Would you prevent Crimes? Order it so, that the Light of Knowledge may be diffused among the People.

246. A Book of good Laws is nothing but a Bar to prevent the Licentiousness of injurious Men from doing Mischief to their fellow Creatures.

247. There is yet another Expedient to prevent Crimes, which is by rewarding Virtue.

248. Finally, the most sure but, at the same Time, the most difficult Expedient to mend the Morals of the People, is a perfect System of Education....

Chapter XIX

439. Of the Composition of the Laws

447. Every subject, according to the order and Place to which he belongs, is to be inserted separately in the Code of Laws -for instance, under judicial, military, commercial, civil, or the police, city or country affairs, etc. etc

448. Each law ought to be written in so clear a style as to be perfectly intelligible to everyone, and, at the same time, with great conciseness. For this reason explanations or interpretations are undoubtedly to be added (as occasion shall require) to enable judges to perceive more readily the force as well as use of the law…

449. But the utmost care and caution is to be observed in adding these explanations and interpretations, because they may sometimes rather darken than clear up the case; of which there are many instances [in the existing laws].

450. When exceptions, limitations, and modifications are not absolutely necessary in a law, in that case it is better not to insert them; for such particular details generally produce still more details.

451. If the Legislator desires to give his reason for making any particular law, that reason ought to be good and worthy of the law....

452. Laws ought not to be filled with subtile distinctions, to demonstrate the brilliance of the Legislator; they are made for people of moderate capacities as well as for those of genius. They are not a logical art, but the simple and plain reasoning of a father who takes care of his children and family.

453. Real candor and sincerity ought to be displayed in every part of the laws; and as they are made for the punishment of crimes, they ought consequently to include in themselves the greatest virtue and benevolence.

454. The style of the laws ought to be simple and concise: a plain direct expression will always be better understood than a studied one.

455. When the style of laws is tumid and inflated, they are looked upon only as a work of vanity and ostentation....

511. A Monarchy is destroyed when a Sovereign imagines that he displays his power more by changing the order of things than by adhering to it, and when he is more fond of his own imaginations than of his will, from which the laws proceed and have proceeded.

512. It is true there are cases where Power ought and can exert its full influence without any danger to the State. But there are cases also where it ought to act according to the limits prescribed by itself.

513. The supreme art of governing a State consists in the precise knowledge of that degree of power, whether great or small, which ought to be exerted according to the different exigencies of affairs. For in a Monarchy the prosperity of the State depends, in part, on a mild and condescending government.

514. In the best constructed machines, Art employs the least moment, force, and fewest wheels possible. This rule holds equally good in the administration of government; the most simple expedients are often the very best, and the most intricate the very worst.

515. There is a certain facility in this method of governing: It is better for the Sovereign to encourage, and for the Laws to threaten....

519. It is certain that a high opinion of the glory and power of the Sovereign would increase the strength of his administration; but a good opinion of his love of justice will increase it at least as much.

520. All this will never please those flatterers who are daily instilling this pernicious maxim into all the sovereigns on Earth, that Their people are created for them only. But We think, and esteem it Our glory to declare, that "We are created for Our people." And for this reason, We are obliged to speak of things just as they ought to be. For God forbid that after this legislation is finished any nation on Earth should be more just and, consequently, should flourish more than Russia. Otherwise, the intention of Our laws would be totally frustrated; an unhappiness which I do not wish to survive.

521. All the examples and customs of different nations which are introduced in this work [the Instruction] ought to produce no other effect than to cooperate in the choice of those means which may render the people of Russia, humanly speaking, the most happy in themselves of any people upon the Earth.

522. Nothing more remains now for the Commission to do but to compare every part of the laws with the rules of this Instruction.

Source: The Grand Instruction to the Commissioners Appointed to Frame a New Code of Laws for the Russian Empire: Composed by Her Imperial Majesty Catherine II. (London, 1768).

[David_Pritchard]

Part I

Ukaz of 22 July 1763 on Foreign Immigration by Empress Ekaterina II

By the Grace of God!

We, Catherine the second, Empress and Autocrat of all the Russians at Moscow, Kiev, Vladimir, Novgorod, Czarina of Kasan, Czarina of Astrachan, Czarina of Siberia, Lady of Pleskow and Grand Duchess of Smolensko, Duchess of Esthonia and Livland, Carelial, Twer, Yugoria, Permia, Viatka and Bulgaria and others; Lady and Grand Duchess of Novgorod in the Netherland of Chernigov, Resan, Rostov, Yaroslav, Beloosrial, Udoria, Obdoria, Condinia, and Ruler of the entire North region and Lady of the Yurish, of the Cartalinian and Grusinian czars and the Cabardinian land, of the Cherkessian and Gorsian princes and the lady of the manor and sovereign of many others. As We are sufficiently aware of the vast extent of the lands within Our Empire, We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds of manufacturing, plants, and various installations. This induced Us to issue the manifesto which was published last Dec. 4, 1762, for the benefit of all Our loyal subjects. However, inasmuch as We made only a summary announcement of Our pleasure to the foreigners who would like to settle in Our Empire, we now issue for a better understanding of Our intention the following decree which We hereby solemnly establish and order to be carried out to the full.

1.

We permit all foreigners to come into Our Empire, in order to settle in all the gouvernements, just as each one may desire.

2.

After arrival, such foreigners can report for this purpose not only to the Guardianship Chancellery established for foreigners in Our residence, but also, if more convenient, to the governor or commanding officer in one of the border-towns of the Empire.

3.

Since those foreigners who would like to settle in Russia will also include some who do not have sufficient means to pay the required travel costs, they can report to our ministers in foreign courts, who will not only transport them to Russia at Our expense, but also provide them with travel money.

4.

As soon as these foreigners arrive in Our residence and report at the Guardianship Chancellery or in a border-town, they shall be required to state their true decision whether their real desire is to be enrolled in the guild of merchants or artisans, and become citizens, and in what city; or if they wish to settle on free, productive land in colonies and rural areas, to take up agriculture or some other useful occupation. Without delay, these people will be assigned to their destination, according to their own wishes and desires. From the following register* it can be seen in which regions of Our Empire free and suitable lands are still available. However, besides those listed, there are many more regions and all kinds of land where We will likewise permit people to settle, just as each one chooses for his best advantage.

5.

Upon arrival in Our Empire, each foreigner who intends to become a settler and has reported to the Guardianship Chancellery or in other border-towns of Our Empire and, as already prescribed in number 4, has declared his decision, must take the oath of allegiance in accordance with his religious rite.

[David_Pritchard]

Part II

Ukaz of 22 July 1763 on Foreign Immigration by Empress Ekaterina II

6.

In order that the foreigners who desire to settle in Our Empire may realize the extent of Our benevolence to their benefit and advantage, this is Our will -- :

1. We grant to all foreigners coming into Our Empire the free and unrestricted practice of their religion according to the precepts and usage of their Church. To those, however, who intend to settle not in cities but in colonies and villages on uninhabited lands we grant the freedom to build churches and belltowers, and to maintain the necessary number of priests and church servants, but not the construction of monasteries. On the other hand, everyone is hereby warned not to persuade or induce any of the Christian co-religionists living in Russia to accept or even assent to his faith or join his religious community, under pain of incurring the severest punishment of Our law. This prohibition does not apply to the various nationalities on the borders of Our Empire who are attached to the Mahometan faith. We permit and allow everyone to win them over and make them subject to the Christian religion in a decent way.

2. None of the foreigners who have come to settle in Russia shall be required to pay the slightest taxes to Our treasury, nor be forced to render regular or extraordinary services, nor to billet troops. Indeed, everybody shall be exempt from all taxes and tribute in the following manner: those who have been settled as colonists with their families in hitherto uninhabited regions will enjoy 30 years of exemption; those who have established themselves, at their own expense, in cities as merchants and tradesmen in Our Residence St. Petersburg or in the neighboring cities of Livland, Esthonia, Ingermanland, Carelia and Finland, as well as in the Residential city of Moscow, shall enjoy 5 years of tax-exemption. Moreover, each one who comes to Russia, not just for a short while but to establish permanent domicile, shall be granted free living quarters for half a year.

3. All foreigners who settle in Russia either to engage in agriculture and some trade, or to undertake to build factories and plants will be offered a helping hand and the necessary loans required for the construction of factories useful for the future, especially of such as have not yet been built in Russia.

4. For the building of dwellings, the purchase of livestock needed for the farmstead, the necessary equipment, materials, and tools for agriculture and industry, each settler will receive the necessary money from Our treasury in the form of an advance loan without any interest. The capital sum has to be repaid only after ten years, in equal annual instalments in the following three years.

5. We leave to the discretion of the established colonies and village the internal constitution and jurisdiction, in such a way that the persons placed in authority by Us will not interefere with the internal affairs and institutions. In other respects the colonists will be liable to Our civil laws. However, in the event that the people would wish to have a special guardian or even an officer with a detachment of disciplined soldiers for the sake of security and defense, this wish would also be granted.

6. To every foreigner who wants to settle in Russia We grant complete duty-free import of his property, no matter what it is, provided, however, that such property is for personal use and need, and not intended for sale. However, any family that also brings in unneeded goods for sale will be granted free import on goods valued up to 300 rubles, provided that the family remains in Russia for at least 10 years. Failing which, it be required, upon its departure, to pay the duty both on the incoming and outgoing goods.

7. The foreigners who have settled in Russia shall not be drafted against their will into the military or the civil service during their entire stay here. Only after the lapse of the years of tax-exemption can they be required to provide labor service for the country. Whoever wishes to enter military service will receive, besides his regular pay, a gratuity of 30 rubles at the time he enrolls in the regiment.

8. As soon as the foreigners have reported to the Guardianship Chancellery or to our border towns and declared their decision to travel to the interior of the Empire and establish domicile there, they will forthwith receive food rations and free transportation to their destination.

9. Those among the foreigners in Russia who establish factories, plants, or firms, and produce goods never before manufactured in Russia, will be permitted to sell and export freely for ten years, without paying export duty or excise tax.

10. Foreign capitalists who build factories, plants, and concerns in Russia at their own expense are permitted to purchase serfs and peasants needed for the operation of the factories.

11. We also permit all foreigners who have settled in colonies or villages to establish market days and annual market fairs as they see fit, without having to pay any dues or taxes to Our treasury.

7.

All the afore-mentioned privileges shall be enjoyed not only by those who have come into our country to settle there, but also their children and descendants, even though these are born in Russia, with the provision that their years of exemption will be reckoned from the day their forebears arrived in Russia.

8.

After the lapse of the stipulated years of exemption, all the foreigners who have settled in Russia are required to pay the ordinary moderate contributions and, like our other subjects, provide labor- service for their country. Finally, in the event that any foreigner who has settled in Our Empire and has become subject to Our authority should desire to leave the country, We shall grant him the liberty to do so, provided, however, that he is obligated to remit to Our treasury a portion of the assets he has gained in this country; that is, those who have been here from one to five years will pay one-fifth, whole those who have been here for five or more years will pay one-tenth. Thereafter each one wil be permitted to depart unhindered anywhere he pleases to go.

10.

If any foreigner desiring to settle in Russia wishes for certain reasons to secure other privileges or condlitions besides those already stated, he can apply in writing or in person to our Guardianship Chancellery, which will report the petition to Us. After examining the circumstances, We shall not hesitate to resolve the matter in such a way that the petitioner's confidence in Our love of justice will not be disappointed.
Given at the Court of Peter, July 22, 1763
in the Second Year of Our Reign.

The original was signed by Her Imperial Supreme Majesty's own hand.
Printed by the Senate, July 25, 1763

[David_Pritchard]

Ukaz of Emperor Pavel I on Mennonite Immigration to the Russian Empire, 6 September 1800.

We, Paul the first, by the Grace of God, Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russian, ........ In documentation of Our all-gracious approval of the request reaching Us from the Mennonites settled in the gouvernement of New Russia, who, according to the testimony of their overseers can serve as models of excellent industry and decent living to the other colonists settlede there, and who are, therefore, deserving of our special attention, We wish not only to cinfirm all the rights and privileges granted to them in earlier agreements, but also, in order to encourage them in their efforts and devotion to agriculture, to graciously grant them additional privileges set forth in the following:

First. We confirm the freedom of religion promised to you and your descendants, by virtue of which you can practise your religious beliefs and church traditions. We also graciously grant the req uest that your spoken statements of Yes and No shall be accepted as valid in a court of law, in place of an oath, whenever the occasion requires.

Second. (Regarding the apportionment of land; 65 dess. for each family)

Third. (Freedom to engage in trade)

Fourth. (The special right to manufacture beer, vinegar, and brandy)

Fifth. (No outsider is permitted to establish taverns on the land of the Mennonites or sell brandy without their permission)

Sixth. We give you Our most gracious assurance that none of the presently settled Mennonites, nor those desiring to settle in Our empire in the future, nor their children and descendants shall at any time be compelled against their expressed desire to perform military duties or civil services.

Seventh. (Exemption from lengthy military billeting, transport duties and Crown labor services, and the obligation to build bridges and roads)

Eighth. (The right to own property and make provision for heirs and orphans)

Ninth. (10 or 15 years of exemption from Crown taxes)

Tenth. (Orders given to all authorities not to curtail these privileges accorded to the Mennonites ("Mennonists"), but to protect them in all instances)

Given in the city of Gatchino on the sixth of September in the year of the Birth of Christ, one thousand and eight hundred, the fourth of Our reign, and the second of Our office as Grand Master.

Paul

Count Rostopschin

[David_Pritchard]

Nystad Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Russia and Sweden, 1721. German language translation.

Im Nahmen der heiligen und unzertrennten Drey-Einigkeit.

Kund und zu wissen sey hiemit/ daß nachdem zwischen Ihro höchstseeligen Königl. Majestät/ dem Durchlauchtigsten/ Großmächtigsten Könige und Herren/ CARL dem Zwölfften/ der Schweden/ Gohten und Wenden Könige &c. &c. &c. Ihro Kön. Maj. Nachfolgeren am Schwedischen Throne/ der Durchlauchtigsten/ Großmächtigsten Königin und Frauen/ Frau ULRICA ELEONORA, der Schweden Gohten und Wenden Königin &c. &c. &c. und dem Durchlauchtigsten Großmächtigsten Könige und Herren/ Herren FRIEDRICH dem Iten der Schweden Gothen und Wenden Könige &c. &c. &c. und dem Königreiche Schweden ab einer und Ihro Czarischen Maj. dem Durchlauchtigsten/ Großmächtigsten Czaren und Herren/ Herrn PETER dem Ersten/ aller Reussen Selbsthaltern &c. &c. &c. und dem Reussischen Reiche ab der andern Seite/ ein schwererer und verderblicher Krieg schon von vielen Jahren her entstanden und geführet worden/ beyde hohe Theile/ nach dem Triebe einer GOttwohlgefälligen Versöhnligkeit/ darauff bedacht gewesen/ wie dem Zeitherigen Blutvergiessen ein Ende gemacht/ und dem Landverderblichen Unheil je eher je lieber abgeholffen werden möchte; So ist es durch Göttl. Fügung dahin gediehen/ daß von beyderseits hohen Theilen bevollmächtigte Ministri zusammen geschickt worden/ umb einen auffrichtigen sichern und beständigen Frieden/ und ein ewigwährendes Freundschafts-Bund unter beyderseits Reichen/ Ländern/ Unterthanen und Einwohnern mit einander abzuhandeln und zu schliessen: Nem. ab Seiten Sr. Kön. Maj. und des Reiches Schweden der Hochwohlgebohrne Graff/ Herr Johann Lilienstedt/ Ihro Kön. Maj. von Schweden und Dero Reichs Raht nebst Cantzeley-Raht/ wie auch der Hochwohlgebohrne Herr Baron Otto Reinhold Strömfelt, Ihro Königl. Majest. verordneter Lands-Hauptmann in denen Kupffer-Bergen und Dahlern Lehn; Und ab Seiten Seiner Czarischen Majest. der Hochwohlgebohrne Graff/ Herr Jacob Daniel Bruce, Sr. Czarischen Maj. General-Feld-Zeug-Meister/ Præsident vom Berg-und Manufactur-Collegio, Ritter derer Orden des Heil. Andreas und des weissen Adlers; wie auch der Wohlgebohrne Herr Henrich Johann Friedrich Osterman, Sr. Czarischen Maj. geheimbter Raht von der Cantzeley; welche an dem durch beyderseitige Ubereinstimmung zum Congress und Handlung ernannten und beliebten Orte/ Neustad in Finland/ zusammen gekommen/ und/ nechst erbethenem Göttl. Beystande/ und nach beygebrachten/ auch gegen einander/ gewöhnlicher massen/ ausgewechselten Vollmachten/ das heilsame Werck mit einander fürgenommen / und / nach gepflogener Unterhandlung/ durch des Allerhöchsten Gnade und Benedeyen / sich des nachfolgenden immerwährenden ewigen Friedens-Schlusses in beyder hohen Theile Nahmen und von Ihrentwegen vereinbahret und verglichen haben.


1.
Es soll von nun an ein immerwährender/ ewiger/ auffrichtiger und unverbrüchlicher Friede zu Lande und Wasser/ auch eine wahre Einigkeit und ein unaufflößliches ewiges Freundschaffts-Band seyn und bleiben zwischen Ihro Königl. Maj. von Schweden/ dem Durchlauchtigsten/ Großmächtigsten Könige und Herren/ Herren FRIEDRICH dem Ersten/ der Schweden/ Gohten und Wenden Könige &c.&c.&c. Sr. Königl. Majest. Successoren und Nachkomen an der Schwedischen Krone/ und dem Königreiche Schweden/ und dererselben sowohl inn- als ausserhalb Römischen Reichs belegenen Herrschafften/ Provintzien/ Ländern/ Städten/ Vasallen/ Unterthanen und Einwohnern eines/ und Ihro Czarische Maj. dem Durchlauchtigsten/ Großmächtigsten Czaren und Herren/ Herren PETER dem Ersten/ aller Reussen Selbsthalter &c. &c. &c. Sr. Czarischen Majest. Successoren und Nachkommen am Reussischen Reiche/ auch allen Dero Ländern/ Städten/ Herrschafften und Gebieten/ Vasallen/ Unterthanen und Einwohnern andern Theils/ so/ daß hinführo beyde hohe paciscirende Theile nicht nur einer dem ändern nichts feindliches oder widerwärtiges/ es sey heimlich oder öffentlich/ directè oder indirectè, durch die Seinige oder andere zufügen lassen/ vielweniger einer des andern Feinden/ unter was Nahmen es auch geschehen möchte/ Hülffe leisten/ oder sich mit ihnen in Bundnisse/ so diesem Frieden zuwider seyn könten/ einlassen / sondern vielmehr eine treue Freund- und Nachbarschafft/ und auffrichtigen Frieden unter einander pflegen und unterhalten/ Einer des Andern Ehre/ Nutzen und Sicherheit treulich meynen und befordern/ Schaden und Unheil aber/ so viel an Ihnen/ nach äuserstem Vermögen kehren und abwenden wollen und sollen/ damit der wieder hergestellte Friede/ und eine beständige Ruhe zu beyder Reiche und Unterthanen Flor und Auffnahme unzerrüttet conserviret und beybehalten werden möge.

2.
Es soll ferner beyderseits eine allgemeine Amnestie und ewige Vergessenheit alles dessen seyn/ was währendem Kriege über/ von der einen oder andern Seite feindliches oder widerwärtiges/ es sey durch die Waffen oder sonst/ gegen einander fürgenommen/ ausgeführet und geschehen ist/ so/ daß dessen nimmer weiter soll gedacht werden/ vielweniger jemand dessen zu irgend einer Zeit in Unguten entgelten; Und sollen absonderlich alle und jede/ hohen oder niedrigen Standes/ Unterthanen oder Frembde/ von welcher Nation sie auch seyn mögen/ die währenden diesem Kriege bey der einen Parthen Dienste genommen/ und sich dadurch bey der andern feindlich auffgeführet haben/ (ausgenommen diejenige Reussische Cosacquen, so die Schwedische Waffen gefolget/ welchen Ihro Czarische Majest./ umb in dieser General-Amnestie mit begriffen zu seyn/ aller Schwedischer Seits geschehenen Vorstellungen ohngeachtet/ nicht zugeben noch verstatten wollen/) in dieser allgemeinen Amnestie allerdings begriffen und eingeschlossen seyn/ also und dergestalt/ daß allen insgesamt/ und einem jeden ins besondere/ solches ihr Verhalten keinesweges künfftig soll zugerechnet/ vielweniger ihnen deswegen das geringste Leid verursachet/ sondern ihnen ihre Rechte und Gerechtigkeiten gelassen und eingeräumet werden.

3.
Alle Feindseeligkeiten/ zu Wasser und zu Lande/ sollen allhier und im gantzen Groß-Fürstenthum Finnland vierzehen Tage/ und eher/ wo möglich/ nach geschehener Unterzeichnung dieses Friedens-Vertrages/ an allen übrigen Orten und Enden aber drey Wochen/ und eher/ wo möglich/ nach Auswechselung der Ratificationen/ von beyden Seiten auffhören/ und gäntzlich eingestellet seyn/ auch zu dem Ende/ daß der Friede geschlossen seye/ ohnverweilet kund gemachet werden; Und solten nach obgesetzter Zeit von dem einen oder andern Theile/ aus Unkunde des geschlossenen Friedens/ irgendswo zu Wasser oder zu Lande einige Hostilitæten/ wie sie auch Nahmen haben mögen/ verübet werden/ so soll solches gegenwärtigem Friedens-Schlusse im geringsten nicht præjudiciren können/ sondern dasjenige/ was etwa an Menschen und Gütern genommen und ent[f]ühret seyn möchte/ ohnweigerlich restituiret und zurück gegeben werden.

[David_Pritchard]

Part II, Nystad Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Russia and Sweden, 1721. German language translation.

4.
Ihro Königl. Majestät von Schweden cediren hiermit für Sich und Dero Nachkommen und Successoren an dem Schwedischen Thron/ und das Königreich Schweden/ Sr. Czarischen Majest. und Dero Nachkommen und Successoren am Reussischen Reiche zu einer völligen/ unwiederrufflichen ewigen Besitz und Eigenthumb/ die in diesem Kriege durch Sr. Czarischen Majest. Waffen von der Kron Schweden eroberte Provintzien/ Lieffland/ Ehstland/ Ingermanland/ und den Theil von Carelen/ mit dem District von Wiburgs-Lehn/ welcher hierunten in dem Articulo von der Gräntz-Scheidung specificiret und beschrieben ist/ mit denen Städten und Festungen/ Riga, Dunamunde, Pernau, Reval, Dorpt, Narva, Wiburg, Kexholm, und allen übrigen zu ermeldten Provintzien gehörigen Städten/ Festungen/ Hafen/ Plätzen/ Districten/ Ufern/ nebst denen Insuln Oesel, Dagoe und Moen, auch allen andern von der Churländischen Gräntze ab an denen Lieff- Ehst- und Ingermanländischen Ufern/ und auff der Ost Seite von Reval im Fahr-Wasser nach Wiburg auff der Süd- und Ost-Seite liegenden Insuln/ mit allen so wohl in diesen Insuln/ als in oberwehnten Provintzien/ Städten und Oertern befindtlichen Einwohnern und Habitationen/ und überhaupt mit allen Appertinentien und Dependentien/ Hoheiten/ Gerechtigkeiten und Nutzungen/ nichts überall davon ausgenommen/ und wie solche von der Kron Schweden besessen/ genutzet und gebrauchet worden; Und begeben Ihro Königl. Majest. Sich hiemit und renunciiren auff die bündigste Weise/ als solches immer geschehen kan/ auff ewig für Sich/ Dero Successoren und Nachkommen/ und das gantze Reich Schweden/ auff alle Rechte/ An- und Zusprüche/ so Ihro Königl. Majest. und das Reich Schweden auff alle oberwehnte Provintzien/ Insuln/ gehabt und haben können; wie dann auch alle Einwohner derselben Ihres Eydes und Pflicht/ womit sie dem Reiche Schweden verbunden gewesen/ krafft dieses gäntzlich erlassen und entbunden seyn sollen/ also und dergestalt/ daß von nun an zu ewigen Zeiten Ihro Königl. Majest. und das Reich Schweden/ unter was für einem Vorwand es auch seyn möchte/ sich derselben nicht anmassen/ noch selbige zurück fodern können noch mögen/ sondern es sollen dieselbe in perpetuum dem Reussischen Reiche incorporiret seyn und bleiben; Und verbinden Ihro Königl. Majest. und das Reich Schweden Sich hiemit und versprechen/ Ihro Czar. Majest. und Dero Nachfolgere am Reussischen Reiche bey dem ruhigen Besitz aller derselben zu allen Zeiten kräfftigst zu erhalten und zu lassen. Es sollen auch alle Archiven, Uhrkunde und Brieffschafften/ so diese Länder insbesondere concerniren/ und daraus währenden diesem Kriege nach Schweden gebracht worden/ auffgesuchet/ und an Sr. Czar. Majest. hiezu bevollmächtigten getreulich abgelieffert werden.

5.
Ihro Czarische Majest. versprechen dagegen/ innerhalb vier Wochen/ nach ausgewechselter Ratification über diesen Friedens-Tractat, oder noch eher/ wann es möglich ist/ Sr. Königl. Majest. und der Kron Schweden zu restituiren und wieder einzuräumen das Groß-Fürstenthum Finland/ ausser denjenigen Theil/ welcher hierunten in der beschriebenen Gräntz-Scheidung ausbeschieden worden/ und Sr. Czarischen Majest. verbleiben soll; so/ und dergestallt/ daß Ihro Czarische Majest./ Dero Erben und Nachfolger auff dieses nunmehr restituirte Groß-Fürstenthum kein Recht noch Ansprache/ unter was Schein und Nahmen es seyn mag/ in Ewigkeit haben noch sich machen können.

Uberdem wollen Ihro Czar. Maj. gehalten seyn/ und versprechen Ihro Königl. Maj. und dem Reiche Schweden die Summa von zwo Millionen Reichs-Thaler richtig/ ohnabgekürtzt und ohnfehlbahr an die von Ihro Königl. Maj. mit behörigen Vollmachten und Quittungen versehene Gewollmächtigte bezahlen und lieffern zu lassen/ in denen Terminen und solcher Müntz-Sorte, als darüber in einem separaten Artikul/ der von eben der Krafft und Würckung ist/ als wanner von Wort zu Wort hier eingeführet wäre/ stipuliret und verabredet worden ist.

6.
Ihro Königl. Majestät von Schweden haben auch ratione Commercii hierbey sich ausbedungen/ daß es Deroselben zu ewigen Zeiten frey stehen soll/ in Riga, Reval und Arensburg jährlich vor funfftzig tausend Rubel an Getreyde auffkauffen zu lassen/ welche auff geschehene Bescheinigung/ daß sie entweder vor Sr. Königl. Majest. Rechnung/ oder doch durch Schwedische von Ihro Königl. Majest. hierzu specialiter authorisirte Unterthanen erkaufft sind/ ohne Bezahlung einigen Zolles oder anderer Aufflagen nach Schweden frey ausgeführet werden sollen; welches gleichwohl nicht von denen Jahren verstanden werden muß/ in welchen wegen Mißwachses/ oder anderer erheblichen Ursachen halber Ihro Czarische Majest. sich gemüßiget finden möchten/ die Ausfuhr des Getreydes en general allen Nationen zu verbiethen.

7.
Ihro Czarische Majest. versprechen auch kräfftigst/ daß Sie in denen Domestiquen Sachen des Königreichs Schweden/ als in die von denen Ständen des Reichs einhellig beliebten und beschwornen Regierungs-Form und Successions-Art/ sich nicht mischen/ keinem/ wer es auch seyn mag/ darinn weder directè noch indirectè auff einigerley Weise beystehen/ sondern vielmehr/ zu Darthuung auffrichtiger Nachbarlicher Freundschafft/ alles was dem zuwider intendiret/ und Ihrer Czarischen Majest. kundbahr werden möchte/ auf alle Art zu hindern und vorzubeugen/ suchen wollen.

8.
Und nachdem man beyderseits die wahre und ernstliche Intention hat/ einen auffrichtigen und beständigen Frieden zu machen/ und solcher Gestalt allerdings nöthig ist/ daß die Gräntzen zwischen beyden Reichen und Ländern auff solche Weise eingetheilet und eingerichtet werden/ daß kein Theil dem andern einige Ombrage geben/ sondern vielmehr ein jeder dasjenige/ so Ihm durch diesen Frieden verbleibet/ in erwünschter Ruhe und Sicherheit besitzen und nutzen könne; Als ist zwischen beyden hohen paciscirenden Theilen hiemit beliebet und verabredet worden/ daß won nun an zu ewigen Zeiten zwischen beyde Reiche die Gräntze folgende seyn und bleiben sollen: Nemlich es fänget dieselbe an an dem Norder-Walle des sinus Finnici bey Wyrelax, von dannen gehet sie eine halbe Meile vom Meer-Strande ab ins Land hinein/ und bleibet in der Distance von einer halben Meilen von dem Wasser ab biß gegen über Willajoky; von hier aber breitet sich dieselbe etwas weiter aus ins Land/ also und dergestalt/ daß wan sie gegen über die Insuln Röhäll kommt/ sie als dann in einer Distance von drey Wiertheil Meile von dem Mer-Busen abseye; und gehet sodann in einer geraden Linie ins Land biß an den Weg/ der von Wiburg nach Lapstrand gehet/ in der Distance von drey Meilen von Wiburg, und so weiter in eben einer solchen Distance von drey Meilen Nordlich über Wiburg weg in einer geraden Linie biß an die uhralte zwischen Schweden und Reußland/ ehe Kexholms-Lehn an Schweden gekommen/ gewesenen Gräntze/ und folget diese uhralte Gräntze nach Norden hinauff acht Meilen; Und von da gehet sie in einer geraden Linie durch Kexholms-Lehn biß an den Ort/ wo die See Porojerwy, die bey dem Dorffe Kudumaguba ihren Anfang nimmt/ an die letztere zwischen Schweden und Reußland gewesene Gräntze stösset; also und dergestalt/ daß alles dasjenige/ was über diese specificirte Gräntze nach West und Norden lieget/ Sr. Königl. Majest. Und dem Reiche Schweden/ dasjenige aber/ was unterhalb nach Ost und Süden liegt/ Sr. Czarischen Majest. und dem Reussischen Reiche zu ewigen Zeiten verbleiben soll; Und weil Ihro Czarische Majest. solcher Gestalt einen Theil von Kexholms-Lehn/ so in den ältern Zeiten dem Reussischen Reiche zugehörig gewesen/ an Ihro Königl. Majest. und das Reich Schweden in perpetuum cediren und abtreten; Als versprechen auch Dieselbe hiemit kräfftigster massen vor Sich/ Dero Successores und Nachfolgere an dem Reussischen Throne/ daß Sie diesen Theil von Kexholms-Lehn zu keiner Zeit/ unter was Nahmen und Schein es auch seyn möchte/ zurück fodern wollen noch können/ sondern es soll derselbe von nun an zu ewigen Zeiten denen Schwedischen Landen incorporiret seyn und bleiben; In denen Lapmarcken aber bleibet die Gräntze/ wie selbige vor Anfang dieses Krieges zwischen beyde Reiche gewesen. Und ist weiteres verabredet/ daß sogleich nach erfolgter Ratification des Haupt-Tractats/ an beyden Seiten Commissarii ernannt werden sollen/ umb diese Gräntz-Scheidung auff Art und Weise/ als hieroben beschrieben/ zu verrichten und einzutheilen.

9.
Seine Czarische Majest. versprechen daneben/ daß die sämtliche Einwohner der Provintzien Lieff- und Estland/ wie auch Oesel/ Adeliche oder Unadeliche/ und die in selbigen Provintzien befindliche Städte/ Magistraten/ Gilden und Zünffte bey ihren unter der Schwedischen Regierung gehabten Privilegien, Gewohnheiten/ Rechten und Gerechtigkeiten bestäntig und ohnverrückt conserviret/ gehandhabet und geschützet werden sollen.

10.
Es soll auch in solchen cedirten Ländern kein Gewissens-Zwang eingeführet/ sondern vielmehr die Evangelische Religion/ auch Kirchen und Schulwesen/ und was dem anhängig ist/ auf dem Fuß/ wie es unter der letzteren Schwedischen Regierung gewesen/ gelassen und beybehalten werden; jedoch/ daß in selbigen die Griechische Religion hinführo ebenfals frey und ohngehindert exerciret werden könne und möge.

[David_Pritchard]

Part III, Nystad Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Russia and Sweden, 1721. German language translation.  

11.
Als auch die unter voriger Königl. Schwedischen Regierung in Lieff- und Ehstland und auf Oefel ins Werck gestellete Reduction und Liquidation, zu vielfältige Beschwerden derer Unterthanen und Eingesessenen Anleitung gegeben/ wodurch dann Se. in GOtt ruhende Königl. Majest. von Schweden/ Glorwürdigsten Andenckens/ so wohl/ als Ansehen der Sachen Billigkeit/ bewogen worden/ mittelst eines im Jahr ein Tausend sieben hundert den dreyzehenden April/ durch öffentlichen Druck bekannt gemachten Patents, die Versicherung von Sich zu geben/ daß im Fall einige von Ihren Unterthanen mit gewissen Beweisthümern darthun könten/ daß Güter/ welche ihnen zugehörig möchten seyn/ eingezogen worden/ ihnen ihr Recht unbenommen seyn solte/ zufolge dessen auch unterschiedliche besagter Unterthanen in dem Besitz ihrer vorigen durch erwehnte Reduction oder andern Vorwand ihnen abgesprochene/ eingezogenen/ oder sequestrirten Güter wieder zurück getreten sind; Als versprechen auch Ihro Czarische Majest. hiemit/ daß ein jeder/ er mag intra oder extra Territorium sich auffhalten/ der in diesem Fall eine billige Ansprache oder Forderung auff Land-Güter in Lieff Ehstland und der Provintz Oesel hat/ und selbige gehöriger massen beweisen und darthun kan/ sein Recht ohnweigerlich geniessen/ und durch ngesäumte Untersuchung und Erörterung solcher ihrer Ansprachen und Forderungen zum Besitz des ihme rechtmässig gehörenden Guthes wieder gelangen soll.

12.
Imgleichen sollen/ krafft der in dem vorhergehenden andern Artickul verabredeten und festgestelleten Amnestie, die in Lieff- und Estland auch der Provintz Oesel/ wegen des bißhero gewesenen Krieges/ und daß die Proprietarii an der Königl. Swedischen Seite geblieben/ etwa eingezogene/ andern verliehene/ oder auch confiscirte Güther/ Ländereyen/ noch nicht exspirirte Arrhenden und Häuser in denen zu diesen Provintzien gehörenden Städten/ wie auch in Narva und Wiburg/ sie mögen vor dem Kriege jemand zugehöret haben/ oder unter dem Kriege einem entweder durch Erbschafft oder sonsten zugefallen seyn/ ohne einige Ausnahme und Restriction ihren rechtmäsigen Eigenthümern/ dieselbe mögen nun jetzo in Schweden/ oder in der Gefangenschafft/ oder auch sonsten irgendwo sich befinden und auffhalten/ nachdem ein jeder bey dem General-Gouvernement, mittelst Vorzeigung seiner Beweißthümer/ Brieffschafften und Uhrkunden/ sich vorgängig gebührend dazu legitimiret haben wird/ ohnweigerlich und ohne Auffschub gleich wieder gegeben und eingeräumet werden; Es können aber solche Eigenthümer wegen der/ aus dessen Gütern währendem Kriege und nach geschehener Confiscation gehobenen Einkünfften/ und des durch den Krieg und sonsten etwa verursachten Schadens nicht das geringste fodern noch prætendiren. Und sind diejenige/ welche solcher Gestalt wieder zu dem Besitz derer ihnen gehörigen Güter gelangen/ verbunden/ bey Antretung des Besitzes Ihro Czarische Majest. als Dero nunmehrigen Landes-Herren/ zu huldigen/ und sich im übrigen gegen Dieselbe/ als es treuen Vasallen oblieget und gebühret/ zu betragen und aufzuführen. Dahingegen es ihnen/ wann sie den gewöhnlichen Huldigungs-Eyd abgeleget/ ohnweigerlich erlaubet und zugelassen seyn soll/ aus dem Lande zu reisen/ sich in fremden mit dem Reussischen Reiche in Verbündniss stehenden Ländern aufzuhalten/ auch bey neutralen Puissancen sich in Diensten zu engagiren/ oder da sie schon darin stehen/ nach eigenem Gutfinden ferner darin zu verharren. Denenjenigen aber/ welche Sr. Czarischen Majest. gar nicht huldigen wollen/ wird hiemit eine Zeit von drey Jahren/ von Publicirung des Friedens an zurechnen/ vergönnet und zugestanden/ umb innerhalb solcher Frist ihre Güter und Eigenthum bester Gelegenheit und eigenes Gefallens nach zu veräussern und zu verkauffen/ ohne ein mehrers davon abzutragen/ als sie nach denen Landes-Statuten schuldig und verbunden seyn können. Solte auch inskünfftige nach denen Landes-Rechten jemanden/ der nicht gehuldiget/ eine Erbschafft zufallen/ so soll derselbe ebenfalls gehalten seyn/ bey Antretung der ihm angestorbenen Erbschafft/ Sr. Czarischen Majest. zu huldigen/ und den Eyd der Treue abzustatten/ oder auch alsdann Freyheit haben/ innerhalb Jahr und Tag solche Güter zu verkauffen. Gleicher Gestalt sollen auch diejenige von beyder hohen paciscirenden Theilen Unterthanen/ welche auff einige publique in Lieff- und Ehstland/ auch auf Oesel liegende Lands-Güter Gelder vorgeschossen/ und darauff ihre richtige Pfand-Contracte erhalten haben/ nach Einhalt dieser Contracten/ ihre Hypothequen so lange ruhig und sicher geniessen/ biß sie vollenkommen/ ihren in Händen habenden Verschreibungen gemäß/ außgelöset/ und vor Capital und Zinsen völlig vergnüget worden; jedoch sollen solche Pfandhaltere vor die/ wehrendem Kriege/ geflossene/ und etwa nicht gehobene Zinsen nichts anrechnen noch prætendiren können. Es sollen aber diejenige/ welche so wohl in diesem/ als vorhergehenden Fällen die Administration solcher Güter verrichten/ Sr. Czarischen Maj:t zu huldigen/ und Deroselben würckliche Unterthanen zu seyn/ schuldig und gehalten seyn.

Alles dieses verstehet sich auch von denenjenigen/ welche unter Sr. Czarischen Maj. Bothmässigkeit verbleiben/ als welche mit ihren etwa in Schweden/ und denen durch diesen Frieden dem Reiche Schweden verbleibenden Ländern/ habenden Güther und Eigenthum auff eben solche Art zu verfahren völlige Macht und Freiheit haben. Es sollen auch sonsten beyder hohen paciscirenden Theile Unterthanen/ welche in des einen oder andern Theils Landen einige rechtmässige Forderungen und Prætensiones, es sey an das Publicum oder particuliere Personen haben/ bey selbigen allerdings gehandhabet und geschützet werden: Und wollen beyde hohe paciscirende Theile daran seyn/ daß ihnen in gedachten ihren Forderungen und Ansuchen promte und gleiche Justice wiederfahren/ und also ein jeder ohngesäumt wieder zu das seinige gelangen möge.

13.
In dem Groß-Fürstenthum Finland/ so Se. Czarische Maj. vermöge des vorhergehenden fünfften Articuli, Sr. Königl. Maj. und dem Reiche Schweden restituiren/ sollen à Dato der Unterzeichnung dieses Friedens-Vertrages alle Contributiones an Gelde gäntzlich cessiren und auffhören; jedennoch soll das benöthigte an proviant und fourage Sr. Czarischen Majest. trouppen, biß zur völligen evacuation nach wie vor/ auff dem Fuß/ als solches bißhero geschehen/ ohne Entgelt gelieffert werden/ auch denen trouppen bey harter Straffe verbothen seyn/ bey ihren Abzuge einige Bedienten von der Finnischen Nation gegen ihren Willen/ aber gar keine Finnische Bauers-Leuthe von dort mit sich wegzuführen/ oder auch ihnen die geringste Gewalt oder Unrecht zuzufügen. Uberdem sollen auch alle Festungen und Schlösser im Groß-Fürstenthum Finland in dem Stande/ worinn selbige sich jetzo befinden/ gelassen werden/ jedennoch aber Sr. Czarischen Majest. frey stehen/ bey Evacuirung jetztgedachten Landes und Oerter/ alles grobe und kleine Geschütz/ dessen Zubehören/ Ammunition, Magazins und andere Kriegs Behüffte/ wie sie Nahmen haben mögen/ und Se. Czarische Majest. haben dahin bringen lassen/ wieder mitnehmen und abführen zu lassen; Auch sollen zu Abführung dessen allen/ wie auch der bagage von der armée, die benöthigte Vorspanne und Fuhren biß an die Gräntze von den Einwohnern ohnweigerlich und ohne Entgelt gegeben und verrichtet werden; Wann auch in der obbestimmten Zeit alles dieses nicht könte abgeführet werden/ sondern davon ein Theil vor erst zurück gelassen würde/ so soll solches alles in guter Verwahrung bleiben/ und nachhero allemahl/ zu welcher Zeit es auch verlanget würde/ an diejenige/ so von Seiten Sr. Czarischen Maj. darumb abgeschicket werden/ ohnweigerlich abgefolget/ und/ wie das vorige/ biß an die Gräntze abgeführet werden.

Wann auch von Ihro Czarischen Majest. trouppen einige Archiven, Uhrkunden und Brieffschafften/ so dieses Groß-Fürstenthum Finland concerniren/ gefunden/ und etwa aus dem Lande geführet worden/ so wollen Ihro Czarische Maj. selbige/ so viel möglich/ auffsuchen/ und/ was davon gefunden wird/ an Ihro Königl. Majest. von Schweden dazu Bevollmächtigte/ getreulich zurück geben lassen.

[David_Pritchard]

Part IV, Nystad Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Russia and Sweden, 1721. German language translation.  

14.
Die beyderseitige Kriegesgefangene/ von was Nation, Condition und Stande sie sind/ sollen so fort nach erfolgter Ratification dieses Friedens-Tractates/ ohne Zahlung einiger Rançon, gleichwohl nachdem ein jeder vorhero/ der etwa contrahirten Schulden halber entweder Richtigkeit getroffen/ oder doch vor die Bezahlung derselben genugsame und billigmässige Caution gestellet/ der Gefangenschafft erlassen/ in völlige Freyheit gestellet/ und von beyden Seiten ohne Auffenthalt/ und in einer gewissen nach Entkegenheit der Oerter/ wo diese Gefangene sich anitzo auffhalten/ proportionirten Zeit biß an die Gräntze mit nöhtiger Vorspanne ohne Entgelt nach Mögligkeit fortgeholffen werden. Diejenige aber/ so bey dem einen oder ändern Theil Dienste genommen/ oder sonsten in des einen oder andern Theils Landen zu bleiben gesonnen sind/ sollen ohne Unterscheid dessen völlige freye Macht und Gewalt haben. Eben dieses verstehet sich auch von allen wehrenden diesem Kriege von der einen oder andern Seite sonst entführten Leuthen/ welche ebenfals ihres Gefallens bleiben/ oder auch nach ihrer Heymath frey und ohngehindert züruck kehren können und mögen/ ausgenommen diejenige/ so auf ihr Verlangen den Griechischen Glauben angenommen/ welche auff Sr. Czarischen Maj. Seite zurück bleiben; zu welchem Ende dann beyde hohe paciscirende Theile in ihren Ländern durch öffentliche Edicta solches publiciren und bekant machen lassen wollen.

15.
Ihro Königl. Majest. und die Republique Pohlen/ als Sr. Czarischen Majest. Bunds-Genossen werden ausdrücklich in diesem Frieden mit eingeschlossen/ und Ihnen die Accession dergestalt vollkömmlich vorbehalten/ als wann der zwischen Sie und der Kron Schweden zu erneurende Friedens-Tractat von Wort zu Wort diesem inseriret wäre. Und sollen zu solchem Ende an allen Orten und Enden/ und in allen beyden hohen Theilen zugehörigen Reichen/ Ländern und Gebiethen/ dieselbe mögen inn- oder ausserhalb Römischen Reichs belegen seyn/ alle Hostilitæten und Feindseligkeiten/ sie mögen Nahmen haben wie sie wollen/ gäntzlich cessiren und auffhören/ und ein beständiger ewiger Friede zwischen Ihnen unterhalten werden. Und weil von Ihrer Königl. Majest. und der Republique Pohlen keine Gevollmächtigte Ministres bey hiesigem Friedens-Congress gegenwärtig sind/ und also der Friede zwischen Selbiger und der Kron Schweden durch einen formellen Tractat zugleich mit diesem anitzo nicht erneuert werden kan; Als versprechen Ihro Königl. Majest. von Schweden/ daß Sie ohnverzüglich an dem Ort/ worüber Sie mit Ihro Königl. Majest. und der Republique Pohlen Sich vereinigen werden/ Ihre Plenipotentiaires abchicken/ und/ unter Sr. Czarischen Majest. Mediation mit Selbigen einen ewigen Frieden auff convenable conditiones renoviren und schliessen wollen. Gleichwohl/ daß in selbigen nichts enthalten sey/ was gegenwärtigem mit Ihro Czarischen Majest. errichteten ewigen Frieden in einigen Stücken/ oder auff einigerley Art und Weise zuwieder seyn oder præjudiciren könte.

16.
Die Commercien sollen frey und ohngehindert zwischen beyden Reichen und denenselben zugehörigen und untergebenen Ländern/ Unterthanen und Einwohnern/ so wohl zu Lande als zu Wasser/ eingerichtet/ und/ so bald als möglich durch einen besondern Tractat zum Vortheil beyder Reiche befestiget werden; Inzwischen aber können beydes die Schwedische und Reussische Unterthanen/ so gleich nach Ratificirung dieses Friedens/ in beyderseitigen Reichen und Ländern/ gegen Bezahlung des in einem jeden Reiche gewöhnlichen Zolles und anderer etablirten Rechte/ in allerhand Wahren ihren Handel frey und ohngehindert treiben. Und sollen die Schwedische Unterthanen in Sr. Czarischen Majest. Reichen und Landen/ und hingegen wieder die Russische Unterthanen in Sr. Königl. Majest. von Schweden Reiche und Landen eben der Privilegien und Vortheile im Commercio zu geniessen haben/ welche amicissimæ genti darinnen zugestanden und gegönnet werden.

17.
Die Handels-Häuser/ welche die Schwedische Unterthanen vor Anfang des Krieges in gewissen Ihro Czarischen Majest. zugehörigen Handels-Städten gehabt/ sollen alsobald nach erfolgtem Frieden nicht nur wieder restituiret und eingeräumet/ sondern ihnen auch frey gelassen werden/ in denen cedirten Städten und Hafen ebenfals dergleichen Handels-Häuser sich anzuschaffen und einzurichten: wie dann auch an Ihro Czarischen Majest. Unterthanen/ nicht alleine die Handels-Häuser/ so sie vorhin im Königreiche Schweden und andern Schwedischen Ländern gehabt/ ohnverzüglich wieder eingeräumet/ sondern ihnen auch ebenmässig erlaubet seyn soll/ in mehreren des Reiches Schweden Städten und Hafen/ da sie es verlangen/ dergleichen Handels-Häuser/ sich anzuschaffen und einzurichten.

18.
Im Fall Schwedische Krieges- oder Kaufmanns-Schiffe durch Sturm/ Ungewitter oder andere Zufälle/ an denen Ufern und See-Küsten des Reussischen Reichs/ und demselben unterliegenden Ländern stranden oder vergehen würden/ so soll von Ihro Czarischen Maj. Unterthanen denen Nohtleidenden alle Treue und auffrichtige assistence geleistet/ Menschen und Güter nach aller Mögligkeit gerettet und geborgen/ und was von denen Gütern zu Lande getrieben wird/ denen innerhalb Jahr und Tag reclamirenden Eigenern/ gegen eine billige Belohnung sicher wieder zu Handen gestellet werden; Auff eben solche Art soll es auch Schwedischer Seits mit denen Reussischen verunglückten Schiffen und Gütern gehalten und verfahren werden. Und wollen beyde hohe paciscirende Theile daran seyn/ damit durch ernsthafften Verboht und nachdrücklicher Bestraffung alle Eigenwilligkeiten/ Rauben und Plündern bey dergleichen Zufällen nachbleiben und gehemmet werden mögen.

19.
Damit auch zur See alle Gelegenheiten/ welche zu einigen Mißverstand zwischen beyden hohen paciscirenden Theilen Anleitung geben könten/ so viel immer möglich/ abgehalten und verhütet werden mögen; Als ist hiemit beschlossen und verabscheidet worden/ daß / wann Schwedische Krieges-Schiffe eines oder mehrere zur Anzahl/ sie mögen kleine oder grose seyn/ eine Ihro Czarischen Majest. zugehörige Festung hinführo vorbey gehen/ sie alsdann sollen gehalten seyn/ die Schwedische Losung zu schiessen/ worauff sie sogleich mit der Reussischen Losung von der Festung wiederum begrüsset werden sollen. Gleichermassen sollen auch die Reussische Krieges-Schiffe eines oder mehrere zur Anzahl/ wann selbige eine Ihro Königl. Majest. zugehörige Festung vorbey seglen/ die Reussische Losung von sich geben/ und ebenfals mit der Schwedischen Losung von der Festung wiederum salutiret werden. Solte es sich auch zutragen/ daß Swedische und Reussische Schiffe einander entweder in der See/ in einem Hafen/ oder sonsten irgendwo sich begegneten/ oder einander an einigem Orte vor sich fünden/ so sollen dieselbe mit der gewöhnlichen Losung sich untereinander freundlich salutiren/ und sonsten es überall in diesem Stücke also gehalten werden/ als es zwischen denen Kronen Schweden und Dennemarck in dergleichen Fällen gebräuchlich ist/ und zwischen Ihnen dieserhalben verabredet und beliebet worten.

20.
Weiter ist auch beyderseits hiemit beliebet und verabredet worden/ daß die zwischen beyderseits Reiche bißhero gebrauchlich gewesene defraijrung der Gesandten gäntzlich cessiren und auffhören/ und dahingegen beyderseits Gevollmächtigten Gesandten/ und andern mit- oder ohne caractere Ausgeschickten künfftig aufferleget seyn soll/ sich selber mit ihrer gantzen suite so wohl auff ihrer Reise/ als den Hofe/ Ort und Stelle/ wo ihnen befohlen ist hinzugehen und zu verweilen/ zu unterhalten und vor ihre subsistence zu sorgen; Doch wollen beyde hohe Theile sowohl insgemein/ als jedesmahl insonderheit/ wann Ihnen von der Ankunft eines Gesandten vorher eine zeitige Nachricht ertheilet wird/ die zulängliche Anstalt verfügen/ daß Ihnen auff ihrer Reise alle Sicherheit/ guter Wille und nöthige Handreichung geleistet werde.

21.
Von Seiten Sr. Kön. Maj. von Schweden werden Ihro Königl. Majest. von Groß-Britannien in diesem Friedens-Tractat mit eingeschlossen/ jedoch mit Vorbehalt desjenigen/ worinnen Ihro Czarische Majest. von Ihro Kön. Maj. von Groß-Britannien Sich etwan beschweret finden möchten/ worüber directe zwischen Ihro Czarischen Maj. und Ihro Kön. Majest. von Groß-Britannien in der Güte gehandelt und conveniret werden soll. Auch können mehrere Puissancen, welche beyderseits hohe Paciscirende noch innerhalb drey Monath nach erfolgter Ratification ernennen werden/ diesem Friedens-Tractat mit beyder hohen paciscirenden Theile gemeinsamer Bewilligung beytreten/ und in selbigem auff- und angenommen werden.

[David_Pritchard]

Part V, Nystad Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Russia and Sweden, 1721. German language translation.  

22.
Wann auch inskünfftige zwischen beiderseits Reiche und Unterthanen einige differentien und Zwistigkeiten sich hervor thun möchten/ so soll dieser ewige Frieden-Schluß dennoch bey seiner völligen Krafft und Würckung bleiben/ die differentien und Zwistigkeiten aber durch beyderseits dazu benennete Commissarios ohnverzüglich untersucht und nach der Billigkeit abgethan und beygeleget werden.

23.
Es sollen auch von nun an alle diejenige/ welche nach erfolgter Ratification dieses Friedens begangener Verrätherey/ Mord/ Dieberey und anderer Ursachen halber/ oder wohl gar ohne Erheblichkeit/ von der Schwedischen zu der Reussischen/ oder von der Reussischen zu der Schwedischen Seite/ alleine/ oder mit Weib und Kindern/ übergehen/ wann sie von dem Theile/ dem sie entloffen sind/ zurück gefodert werden/ ohnweigerlich/ von welcher Nation sie auch seyn mögen/ und in dem Stande/ wie sie gekommen/ mit Weib und Kindern/ auch allem dem/ so sie an gestohlenen oder geraubten Guhte mitgebracht/ ausgelieffert und zurück gegeben werden.

24.
Die Ratificationes über dieses Friedens-Instrument sollen innerhalb drey Wochen/ von der Unterzeichnung abzurechnen/ und ehe/ wo möglich ist/ beygebracht/ und allhier zu Neustad gegen einander ausgewechselt werden. Uhrkündlich dessen allen sind von diesem Friedens-Tractat zwey gleichlautende Exemplaria verfertiget/ uns von beyderseits Ministres Plenipotentiaires, Krafft habender Vollmacht/ eigenhändig unterschrieben/ mit Ihren Insiegeln bekräfftiget/ und gegen einander ausgewechselt worden. So geschehen Neustad den dreyssigsten Augusti, im Jahr Christi/ Ein Tausend sieben hundert und ein und zwanzig.

Johan Lillienstedt.
(L.S.) Jacob Daniel Bruce.

(L.S.)
Otto Reinhold Strömfelt.
(L.S.) Henrich Joh. Friedrich
Osterman.
(L.S.)


Ihro Czar. Majest.Ratifi-
cations-Formular über dieses
Friedens-Instrument.
ALs haben Wir diesen ewigen Frieden in allen seinen Articuln, puncten und clausuln, mit dem dazu gehörigen separat articul, so als sie von Wort zu Worte hier inseriret und eingeführet sind/ acceptiret/ approbiret/ confirmiret und ratificiret; Wie wir dann selbige auff das allerbündigste/ als solches immer geschehen kan/ hiermit acceptiren/ approbiren/ confirmiren und ratificiren/ und versprechen bey Unserm Czar. Worte/ vor uns und Unsere Successores und Nachkommen an dem Reussischen Reiche/ daß Wir alles und jedes/ was im vorhergehenden ewigen Frieden-Schlusse/ und in allen desselben articuln, puncten und clausuln, und in dem separat articul enthalten und begriffen ist/ fest unwiedersprechlig/ heilig und unzerbrüchlich zu ewigen Zeiten halten underfüllen/ auch keines Weges gestatten wollen/ daß demselben in einigen Stücken durch Uns oder die Unsrige zuwieder gelebet werden möge. Urkündlich dessen haben Wir dieses eigenhändig unterschrieben/ und mit unserm grösseren Reichs-Insiegel besiegeln lassen. Gegeben St. Petersburg den neundten Septembris, des Ein tausend Sieben hundert und Ein und zwantzigsten Jahres. Unsern Regierung im vierzigsten Jahre.


PETER.
Contrasigniret

Graf Golofkin.

[David_Pritchard]

Ukaz of 23 March 1714 on Single Inheritance.

We, Peter I, Tsar and Autocrat of All Russia, etc., issue this ukaz for all the subjects of Our state, of whatever rank or status:

The division of estates upon the death of fathers causes great harm to Our state and state interests and brings ruin to our subjects and to the families concerned; for example:

1. Concerning Taxes. Suppose a man had 1000 [serf] households and five sons, had a fine manor, a good table, and a sound relationship with people; if after his death this property is divided among his children, each would receive 200 households; those children, remembering the fame of their father and the honor of their line [rod] would not wish to live the life of an orphan; everyone can see that the poor subjects [serfs](1) will have to supply five tables instead of one and that 200 households cannot bear the burden (including state taxes) previously borne by 1000. Does not this practice bring ruin to the people and harm to state interest? Because 200 households cannot make payments as reliably to the state and to the nobleman as 1000 households could, because (as noted above) one lord will be satisfied with [revenues from] 1000 [households] (but not from 200) and will moderate the situation of the peasants, who will be able to pay taxes punctually to both the state and to the lord. Consequently, division of estates brings great harm to the government treasury and ruin base people.

2. Concerning Families. And should each of those five sons have two sons, each of them son will receive 100 households, and should they further multiply, they will be so impoverished that they may turn into one-household owners, with the result that [the descendants of] a glorious line, in place of fame, will turn into villagers; there are already many examples of this among the Russian people [rossiiskii narod].

3. On Indolence: On top of these two harms, there is yet another. Anyone who receives his bread gratuitously, even if it is not much, will neither serve the state without compulsion nor try to improve himself; on the contrary, each will seek any excuse to live in idleness, which (according to Holy Scripture) is the mother of all evil.

In contrast to Item 1: If all real estate were to be handed down to one son and the others were to inherit only movable property, then state revenues would be sounder; the nobleman would be better off even if he should collect small amounts from a larger number [of serfs]; there will be only one manor [dom] instead of five (as stated above); and he can show favor to his subjects [serfs]. As for Item 2: Families will not decline, but will remain stable in all their glory and their manors shall remain famous and renowned. Regarding Item 3: The remaining [members of the family] will not be idle because they will be forced to earn their bread through service, teaching, trade, and so forth. And whatever they do for their own living will also benefit the state.

Because this [new system] is intended to bring benefit, the following is proclaimed:

(a) All real estate, i.e. hereditary, service, and purchased estates, as well as homes and stores, should neither be sold nor mortgaged but retained in the [family] line in the following manner:

(b) Whoever has sons must bequeath his real estate to one, who will inherit all; other children of both sexes, however many there are, will be awarded movable property which either the father or mother will divide for both sons and daughters in the amount they wish, except that the one who inherits the real estate [will be excluded]. If someone does not have sons, but daughters only, he should then designate one in the same manner. If someone fails to assign [his property], a government decree will assign the real estate to the eldest son as his inheritance, while movable property will be divided equally among the others; obviously, the same procedure is to apply to daughters.

(c) Whoever is childless is free to leave his real estate to one of the members of his family, whomever he wishes, and the movable [property] to his kin or even to outsiders. And if he fails to do this, both forms of property will then be divided by a decree among the members of the line, real estate to the closest relative and the rest to all others equally...

Translated by Daniel Field

[David_Pritchard]

Ukaz of 20 December 1699 on the Introduction of a New Calendar.

The Great Sovereign ordered that it be said: It is known to the him, the Great Sovereign, that not only in many European Christian countries, but also among the Slavic peoples, who are in full accord with our Eastern Orthodox Church, such as: the Wallachians, Moldavians, Serbs, Dalmations, Bulgarians, and Cherkess, subjects of the Great Sovereign himself, and all the Greeks, from whom our Orthodox faith was received, years are counted starting eight days from the birth of Christ, that is from the first day of January, and not from the creation of the world… And now the 1699th year from the birth of Christ has come, and next January from the first of the month will begin the new 1700th year along with the new century. And for this good and opportune occasion, the Great Sovereign ordered that from now on years are to be counted in the chancelleries and in all papers and documents are to be dated from the present first of January from the birth of Christ as 1700. And as a sign of this benevolent endeavor and the new centennial era in the capital city of Moscow, after the requisite thanks to God and singing of prayers in Churches and in the homes… decorations are to be put up along the large streets and thoroughfares and along the gates of the greatest houses of lay and clerical servitors. [They] should be made from the limbs and branches of pine, yule and juniper trees in accordance with the models that are displayed at the trading court and the pharmacy building or in whatever way seems most appropriate and decent; Poor people should put up at least a bough or a branch on the gate or on their houses. and it should be done on time, this coming January by the first day of this year; and this decoration is to stay in place until the seventh day of 1700. And on the first day in January, as a sign of merriment, in congratulating each other on the New Year and centennial era, the follow should be performed: when on the Great Red Square the fireworks are lighted and the salute begins, the high court Boyars, and Okolnichyi, the important officials, the most prominent people of the chancellery, military servitors and high ranking merchants, each in his own court, should perform a triple salute from a small cannon, for those who have them, or from several muskets or other small arms and set off several rockets, as many as can be mustered. And in the large streets, where there is space, from January 1 to 7 bonfires should be lit at night from logs or brush or straw. Small families should assemble in groups of five or six households and build their fires, for those who so desire, on platforms in one two or three tar barrels, which they should fill it with straw or brush to light. This is so that it will be within the power of the Burgmeister to [oversee] these salutes and fires and also to have jurisdiction over these fires and salutes and decorations.

Source: Polnoe Sobranie Zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, v. 3, no. 1736.

Translated by Nathaniel Knight