Documents from the Reigns of Peter I through Nicholas II

[David_Pritchard]

  Treaty between Austria, Prussia, and Russia. Signed at Paris 18/26th September, 1815.

In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity.

       Their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, having, in consequence of the great events which have marked the course of the three last years in Europe, and especially  of the blessings which it has pleased Divine Providence to shower down upon those States which place their confidence and their hope on it alone, acquired the intimate conviction of the necessity of settling the steps to be observed by the Powers, in their reciprocal relations, upon the sublime truths which the Holy Religion of our Savior teaches;

        They solemnly declare that the present Act has no other object than to publish, in the face of the whole world,  their fixed resolution, both in the administration of their respective States, and in their political relations with every other Government, to take for the sole guide the precepts of that Holy Religion, namely, the precepts of Justice, Christian Charity, and Peace, which, far from being applicable only to private concerns, must have an immediate influence on the councils of Princes, and guide all their steps, as being the only means of consolidating human institutions and remedying their imperfections.  In consequence, their Majesties have agreed on the following Articles:

       ART I. Conformably to the words of the Holy Scriptures, which command all men to consider each other as brethren, the Three contracting Monarchs will remain united by the bonds if a true and indissoluble fraternity, and considering each other as fellow countrymen, they will, on all occasions and in all places, lend each other aid and assistance; and, regarding themselves towards their subjects and armies as fathers of families, they will lead them, in the same spirit of fraternity with which they are animated, to protect Religion, Peace, and Justice.

       ART II. In consequence, the sole principle of force, whether between the said Governments or between their Subjects, shall be that of doing each other reciprocal service, and of testifying by unalterable good will the mutual affection with which they ought to be animated, to consider themselves all as members of one and the same Christian nation; the three allied Princes looking themselves as merely delegated by Providence to govern three branches of the One family, namely, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, thus confessing that the Christian world, of which they and their people form a part, has in reality no other Sovereign than Him to whom alone power really belongs, because in Him alone are found all their treasures of love, science, and infinite wisdom, that is to say, God, our Divine Savior, the Word of the Most High, the Word of Life.  Their Majesties consequently recommend to their people, with the most tender solicitude, as the conscience, and which alone is durable, to strengthen themselves every day more and more in the principles and exercise of the duties which the Divine Savior has taught mankind.

       ART. III. All the powers who shall choose solemnly to avow the sacred principles which have dictated the present Act, and shall acknowledge how important it is for the happiness of nations, too long agitated, that these truth should henceforth exercise over the destinies of mankind all the influence which belongs to them, will be received with equal ardor and affection into this Holy Alliance.

Done in triplicate, and signed at Paris, the year of Grace 1815, 14/26th September.
    (L.S.) Francis
    (L.S.) Frederick William
    (L.S.) Alexander

[David_Pritchard]

Ukaz of 17 October 1905

We, Nicholas II, By the Grace of God Emperor and Autocrat of all Russia, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc., proclaim to all Our loyal subjects:

Rioting and disturbances in the capitals [i.e. St. Petersburg and the old capital, Moscow] and in many localities of Our Empire fill Our heart with great and heavy grief.  The well-being of the Russian Sovereign is inseparable from the well-being of the nation, and the nation's sorrow is his sorrow.  The disturbances that have taken place may cause grave tension in the nation and may threaten the integrity and unity of Our state.  

By the great vow of service as tsar We are obliged to use every resource of wisdom and of Our authority to bring a speedy end to unrest that is dangerous to Our state.  We have ordered the responsible authorities to take measures to terminate direct manifestations of disorder, lawlessness, and violence and to protect peaceful people who quietly seek to fulfill their duties.  To carry out successfully the general measures that we have conceived to restore peace to the life of the state, We believe that it is essential to coordinate activities at the highest level of government.  

We require the government dutifully to execute our unshakeable will:

(1.) To grant to the population the essential foundations of civil freedom, based on the principles of genuine inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.  

(2.) Without postponing the scheduled elections to the State Duma, to admit to participation in the duma (insofar as possible in the short time that remains before it is scheduled to convene) of all those classes of the population that now are completely deprived of voting rights; and to leave the further development of a general statute on elections to the future legislative order.  

(3.) To establish as an unbreakable rule that no law shall take effect without confirmation by the State Duma and that the elected representatives of the people shall be guaranteed the opportunity to participate in the supervision of the legality of the actions of Our appointed officials.  

We summon all loyal sons of Russia to remember their duties toward their country, to assist in terminating the unprecedented unrest now prevailing, and together with Us to make every effort to restore peace and tranquility to Our native land.  

Given at Peterhof the 17th of October in the 1905th year of Our Lord and of Our reign the eleventh.

Nicholas

Translated by Daniel Field

[David_Pritchard]

Imperial Ukaz of 3 June 1907

We proclaim to all Our faithful subjects:

Since the time of the dissolution of the first State Duma, the government has, in accord with Our orders and instructions, undertaken a consistent series of measures to bring peace to the country and establish a proper course for affairs of state.  

The Second State Duma, which we convened, was called upon to facilitate, in accord with Our Sovereign will, the restoration of peace to Russia: first of all, by legislative work, without which it is impossible for the state to live or for its structure to be perfected; also, by reviewing the budget of revenues and expenditures, to ensure that the economic activities of the state are being conducted correctly; and finally, by rationally exercising the right of interrogating government officials, with a view to strengthening truth and justice everywhere.  

These obligations, which We entrusted to elected deputies from the population, laid upon them a weighty responsibility and a holy duty to make use of their rights reasonably, working for the benefit and enhancement of the Russian state.  

Such was Our thought and will in granting the population new foundations for the life of the state.  To Our dismay, a substantial part of the membership of the Second State Duma did not justify our expectations.  Many of those sent by the population did not undertake their work with a pure heart and with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its institutions, but rather with a flagrant intention of increasing turmoil and encouraging the disintegration of the state.

The activity of these persons in the State Duma either did not under take any review at all of the sweeping measures Our government had developed, or it delayed discussing them or else it rejected them, not even hesitating to turn down laws which would punish the overt celebration of criminality or severely punish those who sow disorder in the armed forces.  By refusing to discuss murders and violence, the State Duma failed to render moral support to the government in the matter of restoring order, and Russia, to her shame, continued to experience criminal sedition.  

The State Duma's dilatory review of the state budget caused difficulty in the timely satisfaction of many pressing needs of the common people.  

A significant part of the Duma perverted the right of interrogating the government into a means of struggle with the government and of arousing mistrust for it among wide segments of the population.  

Finally there was accomplished a deed unheard of in the annals of history.  The judicial authorities discovered that a whole section of the State Duma was involved in a conspiracy against the state and the authority of the tsar.  When Our government demanded that the fifty-five members of the Duma who were accused of this crime be suspended, pending the outcome of the trial, and that the most seriously implicated of them be confined under custody, the State Duma did not immediately carry out this lawful demand of the authorities, which did not admit of any delay.  

All of this moved Us to dissolve the Second State Duma by an ukaz to the Senate of June 3; the new Duma is to be convened on November 1 of this year.  

But, trusting in Our people's love for the motherland and in its statesmanlike wisdom (gosudarstvennyi razum), We see the cause of the twofold failure in practice of the State Duma in the fact that this legislative institution was full of members who did not truly express the needs and desires of the people, and this was due to the novelty of the situation and to defects in the electoral law.  

Hence, leaving in force all the rights given to Our subjects by the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, and by the fundamental laws, We have made a decision to change only the means by which the people's elected representatives are summoned to the State Duma, so that every part of the people can have its own chosen men in the Duma.  

Since it was created to strengthen the Russian state, the State Duma should also be Russian in spirit.  The other nationalities of which the population of Our realm is composed should have their spokesmen in the State Duma, but they should not and will not be there in such number as to give them the possibility of decisive influence on purely Russian questions.  In those border areas of the state where the population has not attained an adequate level of citizenship, elections to the State duma must temporarily be brought to an end.  

All these changes in the election system cannot be enacted through the ordinary legislative route, that is, through the very State Duma whose composition We have pronounced unsatisfactory.  Only the authority that granted the first electoral law, the historical authority of the Russian tsar, is adequate to abolish that law and replace it with a new one.  

The Lord God had entrusted Us with monarchical authority over Our people.  It is before His throne that We shall give account for the fate of the Russian realm.  From this realization We derive a firm resolve to carry through to the end the transformation of Russia which we have undertaken, and so grant to her a new electoral law, which We have ordered the Senate to promulgate.  

We expect our faithful subjects to follow the path We have indicated and render unanimous and ardent service to the motherland, whose sons have in all times been a solid support to her strength, grandeur and glory.  

Given at Peterhof on the 3rd day of June in the 1907th year since the birth of Christ and in the thirteenth year of our reign.  

NICHOLAS

[David_Pritchard]

Ukaz of 29 April 1881  
 
We proclaim this to all Our faithful subjects: God in His ineffable judgment has deemed it proper to culminate the glorious reign of Our beloved father with a martyr's death, and to lay the Holy duty of Autocratic Rule on us.  

Submitting to the will of Providence and the Law on the inheritance of Sovereignty, We assume this burden in a terrible hour of universal popular grief and terror, averring before the countenance of the Most High that, imparting this Authority to Us in so difficult and troublesome a time, He will not withhold his All-powerful help from us.  We also aver that the fervid prayers of the pious people, which is celebrated in all the world for its love and devotion to its Sovereigns, will draw Divine blessing down upon Us and upon the labor of governing that lies before Us.  

Our father reposing in God, having assumed from God the Autocratic power for the benefit of the people in his stewardship, remained faithful even unto death.  It was not so much by stern orders as by goodness and kindness, which are also attributes of power, that He carried out the greatest undertaking of His reign--the emancipation of the enserfed peasants.  In this he was able to elicit the cooperation of the noble [serf-] holders themselves, who always quick to the summons of the good and honorable.  He established Justice in the Realm and, having made his subjects without exception free for all time, He summoned them to take charge of local administration and public works.   May His memory be blessed through the ages!.  

The base and wicked murder of a Russian Sovereign by unworthy monsters from the people, done in the very midst of that faithful people, who were ready to lay down their lives for Him--this is a terrible and shameful matter, unheard of in Russia, which has darkened Our entire land with grief and terror.  But in the midst of Our great grief, the voice of God orders Us courageously to undertake, in deference to Divine intention, the task of ruling, with faith in the strength and rightness [istina] of autocratic power.  We are summoned to reaffirm that Power and preserve it for the benefit of the people from any encroachment.  

Courage to the hearts, now overcome by confusion and terror, of our faithful subjects, who all love the Fatherland and have from generation to generation been devoted to the Hereditary Tsarist Power!  Under its shelter and in unbroken union with it, Our land has more than once experienced great tumults and passed, with faith in the God who ordains its fate, through grievous experiences and misfortunes and on to new power and glory.  

Dedicating ourself to Our great Service, we appeal to Our faithful subjects to serve Us and the State truly and faithfully, so that the foul treason which shames the Russian land may be uprooted, faith and morality be reaffirmed, children be reared rightly, falsehood and spoliation be exterminated, and order and justice be imparted to the activities of the institutions given to Russia by her Benefactor, Our Beloved Father.  

Alexander

St. Petersburg, 29 April 1881

Translated by Daniel Field 3/26/02

[David_Pritchard]

Ukaz of 9 November 1906

On Peasants Leaving the Land Commune  

By Our Manifesto of 3 November 1905, the levying on the peasantry of redemption payments for allotment land (nadel'naia zemlia) is abolished from 1 January 1907. From this time such lands are exempted from the restrictions placed on them as a result of the redemption debt and peasants receive the right freely to exit the Land Commune and to acquire as individual householders (domokhoziain) the rights of personal ownership of holdings from the Land Commune's allocation. We command...that the following rules be established:

1. Each householder who has allotment land in communal ownership (obshchinnoe vladenie) can at any time ask for his portion of such land to be confirmed as his individual property (lichnaia sobstvennost').
2. In Land Communes where there has been no redivision (peredel) of the land in the 24 years preceding the application by individual householders to change from communal to individual ownership, each such householder shall have confirmed as his individual property not only the kitchen garden (usadebnyi uchastok), but also all the holdings of communal land in his permanent possession apart from those which he rents....
6. Demands to have areas of communal land registered as individual property (art. 1) are made through its elder (starosta) to the Land Commune which is obliged, within a month of receiving the application and by a simple majority vote, to indicate those portions of communal land which are the individual property of the householder...If the Land Commune does not within this period enact such a decision, then on the request of the householder making such an application, all the steps required will be taken on the spot by the Land Captain (zemskii nachal'nik) who resolves all quarrels arising from it and his decision on the subject is final....
12. Each householder who receives portions of communal land...under the present rules has the right at any time to demand that the Land Commune allocate him, in place of these portions, a corresponding portion, if possible in one place.

[David_Pritchard]

The Fundamental Law of 23 April 1906 Part I

1 The Russian State is one and indivisible....

2. The Grand Duchy of Finland, while comprising an inseparable part of the Russian state, is governed in its internal affairs by special decrees based on special legislation.

3 The Russian language is the general language of the state, and its use is compulsory in the army, the navy and state and public institutions....

Chapter I. The Essence of the Supreme Autocratic Power

4. The All-Russian Emperor possesses the supreme autocratic power. Not only fear and conscience, but God himself, commands obedience to his authority.

5. The person of the Sovereign Emperor is sacred and inviolable.

6. The same supreme autocratic power belongs to the Sovereign Empress, should the order of succession to the throne pass to a female line; her husband, however, is not considered a sovereign; except for the title, he enjoys the same honours and privileges reserved for the spouses of all other sovereigns.

7 The sovereign emperor exercises power in conjunction with the State Council and the State Duma.

8 The sovereign emperor possesses the initiative in all legislative matters. The Fundamental Laws may be subject to revision in the State Council and State Duma only on His initiative. The sovereign emperor ratifies the laws. No law can come into force without his approval. . . .

9. The Sovereign Emperor approves laws; and without his approval no legislative measure can become law.

10. The Sovereign Emperor possesses the administrative power in its totality throughout the entire Russian state. On the highest level of administration his authority is direct; on subordinate levels of administration, in conformity with the law, he determines the degree of authority of subordinate branches and officials who act in his name and in accordance with his orders.

11. As supreme administrator, the Sovereign Emperor, in conformity with the existing laws, issues decrees for the organization and functioning of diverse branches of state administration as well as directives essential for the execution of the laws.

12 The sovereign emperor takes charge of all the external relations of the Russian State. He determines the direction of Russia's foreign policy. . . .

13. The Sovereign Emperor alone declares war, concludes peace, and negotiates treaties with foreign states.

14 The sovereign emperor is the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian army and navy.

15 The sovereign emperor appoints and dismisses the Chairman the Council of Ministers and individual Ministers....

16. The Sovereign Emperor has the right to coin money and to determine its physical appearance.

17. The Sovereign Emperor appoints and dismisses the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Ministers, and Chief Administrators of various departmerits, as well as other officials whose appointment or dismissal has not been determined by law.

18. As supreme administrator the Sovereign Emperor determines the scope of activity of all state officials in accordance with the needs of the state.

19. The Sovereign Emperor grants titles, medals and other state distinctions as well as property rights. He also determines conditions and procedures for gaining titles, medals, and distinctions.

20. The Sovereign Emperor directly issues decrees and instructions on matters of property that belongs to him as well as on those properties that bear his name and which have traditionally belonged to the ruling Emperor. The latter cannot be bequeathed or divided and are subject to a different form of alienation. These as well as other properties are not subject to a different form of alienation. These as well as other properties are not subject to levy or collection of taxes.

21. As head of the Imperial Household, the Sovereign Emperor, in accordance with Regulations on the Imperial Family, has the right to issue regulations affecting princely properties. He also determines the composition of the personnel of the Ministry of the Imperial Household, its organization and regulation, as well as the procedure of its administration.

22. Justice is administered in the name of the Sovereign Emperor in courts legally constituted, and its execution is also carried out in the name of His Imperial Majesty.

23. The Sovereign Emperor has the right to pardon the accused, to mitigate the sentence, and even to completely forgive transgressions, including the right to terminate court,actions against the guilty and to free them from trial and punishment. Stemming from royal mercy, he also has the right to commute the official penalty and to generally pardon all exceptional cases that are not sub'ect to general laws, provided such actions do not infringe upon civil rights or the legally protected interests of others.

24. Statutes of the Svod Zakonov (Vol. 1, part i, 1892 edition) on the order of succession to the throne (Articles 3-17), on the coming of age of the Sovereign Emperor, on government and guardianship (Articles 18-30), on the ascension to the throne and on the oath of allegiance (Articles 31-34 and Appendix V), on the sacred crowning and anointing (Articles 35 and 36), and on the title of His Imperial Majesty and on the State Emblem (Articles 37-39 and Appendix 1), and on the faith (Articles 40-46), retain the force of the Fundamental Laws.

25. The Regulation on the Imperial Family (Svod zakonov, Vol. 1, part i, 1892 edition, Articles 82-179 and Appendices II-IV and VI), while retaining the force of the Fundamental Laws, can be changed or amended only by the Sovereign Emperor personally in accordance with the procedure established by him, provided these changes or amendments of these regulations do not infringe general laws or provided they do not call for new expenditures from the treasury.

26. Decrees and commands that are issued directly or indirectly by the Sovereign Emperor as supreme administrator are implemented either by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, or a subordinate minister, or a department head, and are published by the Governing Senate.

Chapter II. Rights and Obligations of Russian Subjects

27. Conditions for acquiring rights of Russian citizenship, as well as its loss, are determined by law.

28. The defence of the Throne and of the Fatherland is a sacred obligation of every Russian subject. The male population, irrespective of social status, is subject to military service determined by law.

29. Russian subjects are obliged to pay legally instituted taxes and dues and also to perform other obligations determined by law.

30. No one shall be subjected to persecution for a violation of the law except as prescribed by the law.

3I. No one can be detained for investigation otherwise than prescribed by law.

32. No one can be tried and punished other than for criminal acts considered under the existing criminal laws, in force during the perpetration of these acts, provided newly enacted laws do not exclude the perpetrated criminal acts from the list of crimes.

33. The dwelling of every individual is inviolable. Breaking into a dwelling without the consent of the owner and search and seizure are allowed only in accordance with legally instituted procedures.

34. Every Russian subject has the right to freely select his place of dwelling and profession, to accumulate and dispose of property, and to travel abroad without any hindrance. Limits on these rights are determined by special laws.

35. Private property is inviolable. Forcible seizure of immovable property, should state or public need demand such action, is permissible only upon just and decent compensation.

36. Russian subjects have the right to organize meetings that are peaceful, unarmed, and not contrary to the law. The law determines the conditions of meetings, rules governing their termination, as well as limitations on places of meetings.

[David_Pritchard]

The Fundamental Law of 23 April 1906 Part II

37. Within the limits determined by law everyone can express his thoughts orally or in writing, as well as distribute these thoughts through publication or other means.

38. Russian subjects have the right to organize societies and unions for purposes not contrary to the law. Conditions for organization of societies and unions, their activity, terms and rules for acquiring legal rights as well as dosing of societies and unions, is determined by law.

39. Russian subjects enjoy freedom of religion. Terms of enjoyment of this freedom are determined by law.

40. Foreigners living in Russia enjoy the rights of Russian subjects, within limitations established by law.

4I. Exceptions to the rules outlined in this chapter include localities where martial law is declared or where there exist exceptional conditions that are determined by special laws.

Chapter III. Laws

42. The Russian Empire is governed by firmly established laws that have been properly enacted.

43. Laws are obligatory, without exception, for all Russian subjects and foreigners living within the Russian state.

44. No new law can be enacted without the approval of the State Council and the State Duma, and it shall not be legally binding without the approval of the Sovereign Emperor.

45. Should extraordinary circumstances demand, when the State Duma is not in session, and the introduction of a measure requires a properly constituted legal procedure, the Council of Ministers will submit such a measure directly to the Sovereign Emperor. Such a measure cannot, however, introduce any changes into the Fundamental Laws, or to the organization of the State Council or the State Duma, or to the rules governing elections to the Council or to the Duma. The validity of such a measure is terminated if the responsible minister or the head of a special department fails to introduce appropriate legislation in the State Duma during the first two months of its session upon reconvening, or if the State Duma or the State Council should refuse to enact it into law.

46. Laws issued especially for certain localities or segments of the population are not made void by a new law unless such a voiding is specifically intended.

47. Every law is valid for the future, except in those cases where the law itself stipulates that its force is retroactive or where it states that its intent is to reaffirm or explain the meaning of a previous law.

48. The Governing Senate is the general depository of laws. Consequently, all laws should be deposited in the Governing Senate in the original or in duly authorized lists.

49. Laws are published for general knowledge by the Governing Senate according to established rules and are not legally binding before their publication.

50. Legal decrees are not subject to publication if they were issued in accordance with the rules of the Fundamental Laws.

5I. Upon publication, the law is legally binding from the time stipulated by the law itself, or, in the case that such a time is omitted, from the day on which the Senate publication containing the published law is received locally. The law itself may stipulate that telegraph or other media of communication be used to transmit it for execution before its publication.

52. The law cannot be repealed otherwise than by another law. Consequently, until a new law repeals the existing law, the old law retains fully its force.

53. No one can be excused for ignorance of the law once it is duly published.

54. Regulations governing combat, technical, and supply branches of the Armed Forces, as well as rules and orders to institutions and authorized personnel of the military and naval establishments are, as a rule, submitted directly to the Sovereign Emperor upon review by the Military and Admiralty Councils, provided that these regulations, rules, and orders affect primarily the above mentioned establishments, do not touch on matters of general laws, and do not call for new expenditures from the treasury; or, if they call for new expenditure, are covered by expected savings by the Military or Naval Ministries. In cases where the expected saving is insufficient to cover the projected expenditure, submission of such regulations, rules, and orders for the Emperor's approval is permitted only upon first requesting, in a prescribed manner, the necessary appropriation.

55. Regulations governing military and naval courts are issued in accordance with Regulations on Military and Naval Codes.

Chapter IV. The State Council, State Duma, and the Scope of Their Activity

56. The Sovereign Emperor, by a decree, annually convenes the session of the State Council and of the State Duma.

57. The Sovereign Emperor determines by a decree the length of the annual session of the State Council and of the State Duma, as well as the interval between the sessions.

58. The State Council is composed of members appointed by His Majesty and of elected members. The total number of appointed members of the Council called by the Emperor to deliberate in the Council's proceedings cannot exceed the total number of the elected members of the Council.

59. The State Duma consists of members elected by the population of the Russian Empire for a period of five years, on the basis of rules governing elections to the Duma.

60. The State Council examines the credentials of its members. Equally, the State Duma examines the credentials of its members.

61. The same person cannot serve simultaneously as a member of the State Council and as a member of the State Duma.

62. The Sovereign Emperor, by a decree, can replace the elected membership of the State Council with new members before its tenure expires. The same decree sets new elections of members of the State Council.

63 The emperor who holds the throne of all Russia cannot profess any religion save the Orthodox. . . .

64. The State Council and the State Duma have equal rights in legislative matters.

65 In the administration of the church, the autocratic power act through the intermediary of the Holy Governing Synod which it has instituted.

[David_Pritchard]

The Fundamental Law of 23 April 1906 Part III

66 All subjects of the Russian state who do not belong to the established church . . . as well as foreigners . . . residing in Russia, shall everywhere be free to profess their religion, and to worship in accordance with its ritual.

67 Freedom of religion is accorded, not only to Christians of foreign denominations, but also to Jews, Muslims and heathens. . . .

68. Those legislative measures that are considered and approved by the State Duma are then submitted to the State Council for its approval. Those legislative measures that have been initiated by the State Council are reviewed by the Council and, upon approval, are submitted to the Duma.

69. Legislative measures that have been rejected either by the State Council or by the State Duma are considered defeated.

70. Those legislative measures that have been initiated either by the State Council or by the State Duma [and approved by both], but which have failed to gain Imperial approval, cannot be resubmitted for legislative consideration during the same session. Those legislative measures that have been initiated by either the State Council or by the State Duma and are rejected by either one of the Chambers, can be resubmitted for legislative consideration during the same session, provided the Emperor agrees to it.

71. Legislative measures that have been initiated in and approved by the State Duma and then by the State Council, and likewise legislative measures initiated and approved by the State Council and then by the State Duma, are submitted by the Chairman of the State Council to the Sovereign Emperor.

72 No one can be prosecuted for criminal offences except in the manner prescribed by law.

73 No one can be held under arrest except in cases prescribed by law. . . .

74. If the state budget is not appropriated before the appropriation deadline, the budget that had been duly approved in the preceding year will remain in force with only such changes as have resulted from those legislative measures that became laws after the budget was approved. Prior to publication of the new budget, on the decision of the Council of Ministers and rulings of Ministries and Special Departments, necessary funds will be gradually released. These funds will not exceed in their totality during any month, however, one-twelfth of the entire budgetary expenditures.

75 All dwellings are inviolable. No search or seizure may take place in a dwelling without the consent of the head of the household, except in cases and in a manner prescribed by law.

76 Every Russian subject has the right freely to choose his place of residence and occupation, to acquire and dispose of property, and to travel abroad without hindrance. Limitations of these rights are regulated by special laws.

77 Property is inviolable. Compulsory alienation of property, when such is necessary for the welfare of the state or the public, is permissible only on the basis of just and adequate compensation.

78 Russian subjects have the right to organize meetings for purposes that are not contrary to the laws, peacefully, and without weapons. . . .

79 Everyone may, within the limits of the law, express his ideas orally and in writing and may also disseminate them by means of the press or by other methods.

80 Russian subjects have the right to form societies and associations for purposes that are not in contravention of the laws. . . .

81. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Ministers, and Heads of various departments, are responsible to the Sovereign Emperor for State administration. Each individual member is responsible for his actions and decisions.

82. For official misconducts in office, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Ministers and Heads of various departments are sub')ect to civil and criminal punishment established by law.

86 No new law can come into force without the approval of the State Council and State Duma and the ratification of the sovereign emperor.

87 If extraordinary circumstances require legislative action whilst the State Duma is in recess, the Council of Ministers may make recommendations direct to the sovereign emperor. Such a measure may not, however, introduce changes in the Fundamental Laws, in the statutes of the State Council and State Duma or in the regulations governing elections to the Council and the Duma. Should such a measure not be introduced into the Duma as a bill within two months from the date of its next meeting . . . it loses force. . . .

98 The State Council and State Duma are summoned annually by edict of the sovereign emperor. . . .

106 The State Council and the State Duma possess equal legislative powers. . .

108 The State Council and State Duma may . . . interpellate ministers . . . concerning actions taken by them, or by persons or agencies under their jurisdiction that are held to be illegal.......

123 The Chairman of the Council of Ministers and the Ministers..... are responsible to the sovereign emperor for the general operation of the state administration. Each of them is individually responsible for his own actions and orders.

Source: Svod Zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, 3rd series, vol. 1, pt. 1. St Petersburg, 1912, pp. 5-26.

[David_Pritchard]

An account of the Coronation of Emperor Alexander II, 1855 by Count von Moltke Part I

The sky favored the celebration of the day by the finest weather. At seven in the morning the city was already deserted, for the crowd had flowed to the Kremlin, whose gates were still closed; they opened to us at eight o'clock.

We found in Their Majesties' antechamber an army of gold-embroidered chamberlains, the high court functionaries with their eight-foot-long golden maces, and all the ladies in the national dress. The color of the manteaux is different at different courts---scarlet with gold, silver, blue, amaranth, etc., so that even with the uniform cut there is an agreeable variety in the colors. The headdress is ornamented according to the wealth and taste of the individual---with gold, diamonds, stones, or pearls. The only chair was occupied in turn by several very old ladies, who had been standing since seven o'clock, and, from their rich toilets, may have been dressing since four.

At nine o'clock the doors of the imperial rooms were opened; the flock of the chamberlains set itself in motion; the empress-mother appeared, supported by her two youngest sons. She wore a close crown entirely of diamonds, an ermine mantle of gold material, the train of which was borne by six chamberlains, and which was fastened by a magnificent diamond chain. The slight figure, the cameo profile, the majestic carriage of the illustrious woman, the joyful seriousness of her features, called forth the unconscious admiration of every one. On the previous evening she had assembled all her children and blessed them. She was followed by the hereditary grand duke, the grand dukes and grand duchesses, Prince Frederic William, Prince Frederic of the Netherlands, Alexander of Hesse, and the other royal princes, then their suites, and after us the ladies. The procession passed through the halls of Alexander, Vladimir, and George, which together make a length of about five hundred feet. On the left paraded the Palace Grenadiers, the Chevalier Guards, the Cuirassiers, with shining breastplates, deputations from the other cavalry and infantry regiments---all with standards and flags and bright arms. To the right were all the officers.

Upon the Krasnoi Krytzow, the great outside steps, covered with scarlet cloth that leads from the old Palace of the Czars into the Court of Relics, a baldachin of gold brocade was awaiting the empress. It was supported by eight poles borne by chamberlains and adjutant-generals. It was a beautiful sight in the sun. Behind the troops stood the bearded populace, with heads uncovered, close together, but without crowding.

The court is surrounded by three principal churches---the Ascension, Archangel, and Annunciation churches; then of Ivan Veliki and a high railing. The tribunes for the spectators rose nearly to the height of the building, where were seated ladies and gentlemen in their best clothes. All the innumerable bells of Moscow were ringing; but the roaring of the great Wetschewoi (the giant bell of Novgorod), the clashing of the trumpets, and the endless rejoicings of the multitude inside and outside of the court, prevented us from hearing them. The noise of the cannons alone penetrated through the hubbub.

When we reached the bottom of the stairs, I was enabled to turn and get a view of the beautiful procession of ladies descending. When we reached the Uspenski Sabor, we found the diplomatic corps assembled, and took our standing-places on the tribune prepared for us, which rose upon three sides of the cathedral. The fourth side is occupied by the ikonostase, behind which the altar is situated. Opposite to this was the throne on a carpeted platform, with two seats under a magnificent baldachin. The empress-mother took a seat especially arranged for her to the right of the throne. The princes stood up on the left. The church, as I have mentioned before, is small, only able to accommodate a limited number of spectators, and there was perfect order. The sun shone brightly through the windows, and was reflected by the gilding that covered all the walls and pillars up to the dome. So it was bright, and I was near enough to see all the principal transactions.

Then the regalia were brought in by the highest military and civil officials---the imperial banner with the double-eagle of Byzantium, the great seal (a great steel plate without any other ornament), the sword of the Empire, the coronation robes of both Their Majesties, the imperial globe with a cross belt of great diamonds (Severin served it upon a drap-d'or cushion), the scepter with the well-known great Lazaref diamond---which stands second in size only to the Kohinoor (mountain of light), the Prince Regent, and perhaps one or two others---and, finally, the two crowns. The large one of the emperor is formed by a bow from front to back of diamonds, and trimmed with a row of very great pearls. The bow has a cross in which is a ruby of inestimable value. This stone is an inch long, about half an inch wide, and a quarter of an inch thick, but irregular and not cut. From the band around the head rise on either side two covers which fasten on to the bow, so that one sees nothing of the velvet cap that is inside. The band and the sides are entirely of diamonds, of considerable size and the finest water. It glitters with every color in the sun. The empress's crown is similar, but smaller, and it did not seem easy to keep it on the top of her head, where it was fastened with diamond hairpins.

[David_Pritchard]

An account of the Coronation of Emperor Alexander II, 1855 by Count von Moltke Part II

Now the cross was carried from the church toward the approaching emperor, and the Metropolitan of Moscow sprinkled his path with holy water. Their Majesties bowed three times toward the gate of the sanctuary, and then took their seats upon the throne; the high church dignitaries filled the space from the throne to the middle door of the ikonostase; and the choir struck up the psalm "Misericordiam." I have already written you of the affecting beauty of the Russian church songs, executed by male voices without instrumental accompaniment. They are very old, and have been collected from the East, and differ widely from the poor hymns of the Protestant and from the opera-music of the Catholic Church. The singers are extraordinarily trained, and one hears almost incredible bass voices, which echo with imposing strength from the firm walls and domes of this limited space.

Since Peter I incorporated the patriarchal power, the metropolitan is the highest priest of this great empire, at this time the handsome but already decrepit old Philaretes, who crowned the Emperor Nicholas I. It is of great importance for a high priest to have a strong bass voice: the voice of the old metropolitan could scarcely be heard, when he requested the emperor to say the creed. As soon as this was done, the emperor was invested with the coronation mantle, consisting of the richest gold brocade lined with ermine. He bowed his head, and remained in this position while the metropolitan laid his hands on his head and gave two long benedictions. Then the emperor called for the crown, placed it himself upon his head, took the scepter in his right hand, the imperial globe in his left, and seated himself upon the throne. Thereupon the empress stood before him and knelt down. The emperor takes the crown from his head and touches the empress with it, after which she is also invested with mantle and crown, and seats herself on the throne to the left of her spouse.

It was beautiful to see the intense interest with which the stately old empress-mother followed all the ceremonies. Meanwhile her youngest son was always at her side, supported her, wrapped the ermine about her that she might not take cold. The wife of a North American diplomat fainted near me, the Grand Duchess Helene fell into the grand duke's arms, but the old mother of the emperor remained steady. Then she arose and firmly ascended the steps of the throne, the glittering crown upon her head and her gold brocaded mantle trailing behind her. Before all the world she embraced her first-born son and blessed him. The emperor kissed her hands. Then followed the grand dukes and princes with low bows; the emperor embraced them. Meanwhile the Domine salve fac imperatorem was sung, all the church-bells were ringing, and hundreds of cannon made the windows tremble. All present bowed low three times. Then the monarch divests himself of the imperial robes, descends from the throne, and kneels to pray. After he has risen, all present kneel or bow their heads to pray for the welfare of the new emperor.

No mortal man has such power in his hands as the absolute monarch of the tenth part of all the inhabitants of the earth, whose scepter reaches over four quarters of the globe, and who rules over Christians and Jews, Mussulmans, and pagans. Why should one not pray to God heartily to enlighten the man whose will is law to sixty millions of people, whose word commands from the Chinese wall to the Weichsel, from the Arctic Ocean to Mount Ararat; for whose call a half-million soldiers wait, and who has just given peace to Europe? May he be successful in the innumerable conquests still to be made in the interior of this great empire, and may he always remain a strong supporter of lawful regulations!

Now followed the Te Deum and the long mass after the Greek ritual. At the close of the mass, the emperor descends the steps of the throne without ornaments or arms, and enters the sanctuary through the czar's gate, where he receives the communion exactly as the priests. The empress receives it afterward outside of the door. Then follows the anointment with oil on the forehead, eyelids, lips, ears, breast, and hands, by the Metropolitan of Moscow, from a costly vessel. The Bishops of Novgorod and Moscow wipe off the traces. Their Majesties take their seat again on the throne, and resume their crowns, robes, and the great diamond chain of the Alexander Nevsky Order. From this moment they are the anointed of the Lord, and the ceremony is over.

Source: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. VI: Russia, Austria-Hungary, The Balkan States, and Turkey, pp. 201-207.

Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg.

[David_Pritchard]

The account of Baroness M. de Packh's march to Siberia, c. 1840

No. 316 was branded on my bundle. I no longer had a name and my identity received even less consideration than is usually bestowed upon animals, for they are always designated by a name, never by a number.

Our march to the mines was a continued succession of blows, curses, and hardships of every imaginable nature. Many of my fellow convicts succumbed to them, and fell by the way, being left there to die and be devoured by the wolves. A train of convicts on their way to the wilds of Siberia is a most distressing sight to witness. To describe it properly one must write words of fire with a sword dipped in blood. Pen and ink, and cold type seem too pale, too poor, too inadequate in every way to give a true account of that fearful journey.

The convicts being weighed down by the heavy chain and ball can make little progress, and the march is dour and laborious, every step of the way being marked by bloodshed and suffering. Four persons, chained to each other, walk abreast, the first and last in the row dragging the heavy iron balls behind them. They are put on the prisoners to prevent their escape, it is said. Such an assertion is too absurd to be credited, however, for no one would be foolhardy enough to try to escape in that land of snow and desolation, where numbers prove the only safeguard against the ravenous wolves that infest the country. No, the ball and chain are merely accessories which add a little more torture to the convict's lot. They are intended as punishment, a constant reminder of the weight of the master's heavy hand, a daily, hourly irritation of flesh and spirit.

Soldiers walk beside the line of weary, footsore travelers, carrying the whip which for centuries has made Russia infamous---the knout, a long heavy stick, to which are fastened from five to twenty strips of rawhide, the end of each thong interwoven with iron or heavy wire. The soldiers use them on their helpless victims just as in some countries farmers use fly whips to keep insects from annoying horses and oxen. With this difference---every blow from the knout raises great welts on the flesh, and draws blood, and the blows are bestowed, not for cause, but simply out of wanton cruelty and a fiendish delight in torturing.

The weakest of the prisoners are generally placed in the first row. If they stumble and fall, those beside them are expected to aid and hold them up. If, after being thoroughly knouted, and given a short rest, they are still unable to stagger along, they are put in the carts which form part of the convoy, and carried on with the bundles and provisions. The carts are used more frequently for the fainting women than for the weary man. Women! Yes, many of them, often women of high rank and birth, aristocrats from head to foot, accustomed to being shielded from every hardship, used to every luxury money could obtain, ignorant of every sphere of life but that surrounded by wealth, love, and influence. While to any woman that march to Siberia is an awful thing, yet to the delicately bred the association with real criminals, the daily contact with the vile and degraded beings who deserve punishment for crimes and atrocities really committed, are by far the greatest hardships of all.

A study of the faces in a convict gang shows the gamut of human passion written in deep lines upon each countenance. One sees the sullen, degraded criminal, born and bred in depravity, and the haughty, educated, sensitive aristocrat, reared in luxury and affluence. Few seem to ask your compassion, although one cannot restrain one's heart from pitying all. Some rave and curse, but the knout is applied to women as well as to men, and it soon hushes the openly rebellious into bearing the inevitable with obstinate gloom and enforced submission. They quickly learn that the best policy is to be as submissive as possible. The more the poor unfortunates bend their backs, the less trouble they give to their keepers, officers, and underlings, the better they fare.

These servants of the mighty czar are a lazy, over-bearing, cruel lot of vagabonds, who treat the outcast with the same scorn and severity they themselves receive from their superiors. It is their duty to bring so many heads alive to designated places and to account for the lost as being dead. Before leaving a poor wretch on the way, the officer in charge assures himself of the utter uselessness of attempting to take the worn-out prisoner farther. Only when absolutely beyond human aid is she or he left to the mercy of the fierce and hungry wolves. It is an impossibility for any one to escape from

the line. It would be madness to make the attempt. In the breast of every convict lives the hope of escape. He imagines that if once away from his tormentors some miracle would transport him to safety. His desire to evade the life before him makes him sometimes forget chain, hunger, the knout, and all his sufferings of mind and body. But he never tries to get away, knowing the futility of an attempt, and the terrible punishment he would receive when caught and returned to the gang.

My fellow prisoner was, as I have said, a great, big, burly creature, sullen and gloomy. We were allowed to talk in an undertone as long as it pleased our keepers to permit us this privilege, and it was he who gave me the sulky and most ungracious advice, "to keep still and make the best of a bad bargain." My thoughts were a chaos. All I knew was that my soul was filled with revengeful rage. The remembrance of my parents, my love, my home, brought pain and misery. Every sweet recollection vanished behind a blood-red cloud. As the days passed, my temper did not improve; and under the hardships we had to endure, I often wondered that I had not become insane.

The roads were bad, the chains grew heavier, the food was not fit for a dog, and long marches in snow and ice ended only with the close of each day. At night we were huddled around a fire, rolled up in our blankets, left to our maddening self-reproaches and thoughts. When sleep spread its merciful wings over us, our chain-bruised bodies were too weary to let wakefulness remind us of our misery. But as time heals all wounds, so does surrounding suffering help us to forget ourselves.

After a week I commenced to take an interest in my associates. We were about forty in number. The women would be driven out of the wagons and forced to walk for hours at a time every day. There were eight of them, all political felons. They had no balls to drag, but were chained to one another. The weakest were marched in front, but always a stronger chained with a weaker; for support, it was said, but really to lighten the keeper's task. It soon told upon the stronger one.

Many kindnesses I have witnessed among those poor wretches. I have seen them pick up a half-fainting and bleeding form and carry it a long distance. I have seen them receive the blows from the horrible knout by putting their own bodies in the way, to spare the weaker exile the stroke. I have seen them share their miserable meal, their scanty ration of water, with the more needy. I have myself received kindnesses, which solely enabled me to live, to carry out my revenge. And it was the little touches of human nature at its best that kept us from sinking to the level of our keepers. In being kind and considerate to each other we kept alive the spark of good that had not quite been beaten and kicked out of us by our brutal guards.

Source: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. VI: Russia, Austria-Hungary, The Balkan States, and Turkey, pp. 182-186.

Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg.

[David_Pritchard]

The Bura Treaty signed 20 August 1727 between the Empires of Russia and China

Of the Russian Empire Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Minister of State, Acting Councilor, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich,

And of the Middle Empire Councilor and General, State Administrator and brother-in-law of the Khan, Tseren-van.

And Chief of the Chamberlains, the Dariamba Besyga,

And of the Military Department, the Askhanema Tuleshin,

Have agreed on the division of land of both empires and have fixed the frontier.

From the north side of the Kyakhta river [where stands] the guardhouse of the Russian Empire, [and] from the south side where the guardhouse sign of the Middle Empire [stands] on Orogoitu hill,

Between that guardhouse and [that] beacon [i.e., sign], the land must be divided equally. The first demarcation mark will be placed in the middle. And there the frontier merchantry['s activities] of both countries will take place.

From there commissars will be sent in both directions for the determination of the boundary.

Beginning on the left side of the extreme summit of the Burgutei hill furthest to the south, [the frontier shall run] along the mountain chain to the Keransky guardhouse

And the frontier shall be a small part of the Chikoi river from the Keransky guardhouse [to] Chikta, [and] Arakhudar, up to Ara Khadain-Usu directly along those four guardhouses and beacons.

From Ara Khadain-Usu to Ubur Khadain-Usu to the guardhouse and the beacon.

From Ubur Khadain-Usu to the Mongolian guardhouses and beacons of Tsagan Ola is the possession of the subject peoples of the Russian Empire. The Mongolian guardhouses and beacons belong to the Middle Empire, [and] all empty land will be equally divided between them as it has been done here on the Kyakhta.

If in the vicinity of the territories of the subject peoples of the Russians there are such hills, mountain chains and rivers, those hills, mountain chains and rivers will be considered as the frontier.

If near the Mongolian guardhouses and signs there are such hills, mountain chains and rivers, they also will be considered as the frontier.

And where there are no hills, mountain chains or rivers, but there is contiguous steppe, it will be divided equally in the middle, and markers will be established, and it will be considered as the frontier.

From Tsagan Ola, from the guardhouse beacon, to the Argun river, to the bank, there are Mongol guardhouses and beacons, [and] along the guardhouses and beacons, in the vicinity, several people will go, agreeing to set up signs, and it will be considered as the frontier.

To the right side, starting from the first marker which is between the Kyakhta and Orogoity, the border will be across Orogoit Ola, Tymen Kudzuin, Bichiktu Khoshegu, Bulesotu Olo, Kuku Chelotuin, Khongor Obo, Yankhor Ola, Bogosun Ama, Gundzan Ola, Khururaitu Ola, Kukun Narugu, Bugutu Dabaga, Udyn Dzoin Norugu, Doshitu Dabaga, Kysynktu Dabaga, Gurbi Dabaga, Nukutu Dabaga, Ergik Targak Taiga, Toros Dabaga, Kynze Mede, Khonin Dabaga, Kem Kemchik Bom, [and] Shabina Dabaga.

They will adhere to the tops of those mountain chains, which will be divided in the middle and will be considered as the frontier. If any mountain chains cross between them and rivers adjoin, the mountain chains and rivers will be cut in two and divided equally.

In accord with all the above-described division, from Shabina Dabaga to the Argun, the north side will belong to the Russian Empire, and the south side will belong to the Middle Empire.

Lands, rivers and markers will be written down [and] entered by name on a map, and the emissaries of both Empires will exchange letters [with this information] among themselves and will take them to their superiors.

During the establishment of the frontier of both empires, if some people ignorant of recent [developments] surreptitiously migrate and erect their yurts inside [the other country's territory], whoever they may be, they shall be earnestly sought out [and] each [country] will bring [them] back to its side.

People of either Empire who err by their migrations, whoever they may be, shall be justly and earnestly sought for, and each side shall to itself take its own and settle them inside [its territory], so that the border may be equally clear.

The Uriankhy [people], to whichever side they pay fur sables of yasak, on that side they shall remain and continue to pay [the yasak].

Those Uriankhy [people], however, who paid one sable to each side, from the day the frontier is established, will never again be required [to pay it]. Thus it was established by agreement.

The last project [was] presented by the Russian Ambassador in Peking on March 21, and in the second month of this year according to the moon [i.e., lunar calendar], [the treaty] consisting of ten articles and an eleventh article about the frontier. Everything that was written in the ten articles was agreed to in Peking, and to these ten points the frontier treaty will be added, and it will have to be sealed and affirmed in Peking by chop and brought hither for exchange. And then the entire treaty consisting of eleven articles shall be in force.

This treaty has been signed by the hands [of the representatives] of both countries, and they exchanged [it] at the river Bura in the year of Our Lord 1727, the month of August, the 20th day.

The original at the exchange was signed thusly:

Seal. Count Sava Vladislavich

Secretary of the Embassy Ivan Glazunov

Translator: Foma Rozanov, who read a copy.

[David_Pritchard]

The Kyakhta Treaty signed 21 October 1727 between the Empires of Russia and China Part I

By decree of the Empress of All the Russias, etc., etc., etc., the Illyrian Count Ambassador Sava Vladislavich, who was dispatched for the renewal and greater strengthening of the peace which was formerly concluded between both Empires at Nipkov [Nerchinsk], agreed with the appointed dignitaries of the Emperor of the Empire which is called Taidzhin, [who were] Chabina, dignitary, Royal Councilor, President of the Mandarin Tribunal and Director of the Chanber of Internal Affairs; and Tegute, dignitary, Royal Councilor, President Director of the Tribunal of External Provinces, and Lord of the Red Banner; and Tuleshin, Second President of the Military Tribunal. They agreed as follows:


I

This new treaty was especially concluded so that the peace between both Empires might be stronger and eternal. And from this day each government must rule and control its own subjects, and, greatly respecting the peace, each must strictly gather and restrain its own so that they do not provoke any harmful affair.


II

Now, consequent to the renewal of peace, it is not fitting to recall previous affairs between both Empires, nor to return those deserters who had fled before this, and they will remain as they were. But henceforth, if anyone flees and cannot be restrained in any way, he will be diligently sought out by both sides and caught and handed over to the frontier people [i.e., frontier authorities].


III

The Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich agreed together with the Chinese dignitaries:

The boundaries of both Empires are an extremely important matter, and if the locations are not inspected, they [the boundaries] will be impossible [to settle]. Therefore, the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, went to the frontier and there agreed with Shusak-toroi kun vam khoksoi Efu Tserin, general of the Chinese State, and with Besyga, dignitary of the Royal Guard, and with Tuleshin, Second President of the Military Tribunal, and the borders and territories of both Empires were established as follows:

From the Russian guard post building which is on the river Kyakhta and the Chinese stone guard post which is on the hill Orogoitu, the land lying between those two points was divided equally in two, and a beacon was erected in the middle as a sign of border demarcation, and a place of commerce for both states was established there. From there commissars were sent in both directions for boundary demarcation.

And beginning from the aforementioned place [and going] to the east, [the boundary was drawn] along the summit of the Burgutei mountains to the Kiransky guard post, and from the Kiransky guard post along the Chiktai, Ara Khudara, and Ara Khadain Usu, [and] opposite these four guard posts a part of the river Chikoi was made into the boundary.

As was decided at the place called Kyakhta, from Ara Khadain Usu up to the Mongolian guard post beacon of Ubur Khadain Usu, and from Ubur Khadain Usu to the Mongolian guard post beacon of the place Tsagan Ola, all empty places between the lands possessed by Russian subjects and the beacons of the subject Mongols of the Chinese kingdom were divided equally in two, in such a manner that when mountains, hills and rivers occurred near places inhabited by Russian subjects, they were made into a sign of the border; conversely, when mountains, hills and rivers occurred near the Mongolian guard post beacons, they too were made into a sign of the border, and in flat places without mountains and rivers [the land was] divided equally in two, and boundary markers were erected there.

People of both states who have traveled from the guard post beacon of the place called Tsagan Ola up to the bank of the Argun river, after inspecting the lands that are located behind the Mongolian beacons, unanimously approved this boundary line. And beginning from the frontier beacon which was erected as the border between the two places Kyakhta and Orogoitu, proceeding to the west, [the boundary runs] along the mountains of Orogoitu, Tymen Koviokhu, Bichiktu Khoshegu, Bulesotu Olo, Kuku Chelotuin, Khongor Obo, Butugu dabaga [i.e., pass], Ekouten shaoi moulou, Doshitu dabaga, Kysynyktu dabaga, Gurbi dabaga, Nukutu dabaga, Ergik targak, Kense mada, Khonin dabaga, Kem kemchik bom, Shabina dabaga.

A division was effected along the summits of these mountains, in the middle, and it was considered as the frontier. Those ranges and rivers which lie across them [i.e., the summits], such ranges and rivers were cut in two and equally divided in such a manner that the north side will belong to the Russian State, and the south side to the Chinese State. And people sent from both sides clearly described and traced the division, and [they] exchanged letters and drafts among themselves and took them to their own dignitaries. During the affirmation of the frontiers of both Empires some base people deceitfully migrated, having taken possession of lands, and they erected their yurts inside [those lands]; they were sought out and brought back to their own camps. Thus the people of both states who fled thither and hither were sought out and forced to live in their own encampments. And thus the frontier area became cleared.

And those Uriankhy [people] who paid [yasak of] five sables to one side will henceforth be left as before with their leader. Bur those who gave [yasak of] one sable will henceforth [and] nevermore have it taken from them, from that day when the boundary treaty was completed. And thus it was decided, about which it was confirmed by written witness and delivered to each country.


IV

Now with the establishment of the boundaries of both states, it is not necessary for either side to retain deserters. And consequent to the renewal of peace, as was decided with the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, trade shall be free between the two Empires, and the number of merchants, as we already established before this, will not be more than two hundred men, who every three years can go to Peking once. And because they will all be merchants, therefore they will not be given provisions, as was done previously, and no duty shall be taken, neither from sellers nor from buyers. When the merchants arrive at the frontier they will write and announce their arrival Then, upon receipt of the letters, mandarins will be sent out, who will meet and accompany them for the purposes of commerce. And if the merchants desire to buy camels, horses and provisions along the road and to hire workers for their own maintenance, then they shall buy and hire. The mandarin or leader of the merchant caravan shall rule and administer them, and if any quarrel arises, he shall settle it justly. If that chief or leader is of noble rank, he is to be received with respect. Things of all descriptions may be sold and bought, except those that are forbidden by decrees of both Empires. If someone desires to remain secretly [on the other side] without official consent, it will not be permitted him. If someone dies of illness, whatever remains of his, whatever may be his rank, it shall be given over to the people of that state, as the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, decided.

And in addition to [this caravan] trade between both States, another convenient location shall be chosen on the frontier for lesser trade at Nipkov (Nerchinsk) and on the Yyakhta [river in the egion of ] Selenginsk, where houses shall be built and enclosed with a fence or with a stockade, as occasion may require. And whoever desires to go to those places for trade, he will go there only by direct route. And if anyone, straying, leaves it [the direct route], or goes to other places for trade, then his merchandise shall be confiscated for the Sovereign. From one side and from the other, an equal number of soldiers shall be stationed [there], and officers of equal rank will [be in] command over them, who will guard the place as one man and will settle disagreements, as was decided with the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich.

[David_Pritchard]

The Kyakhta Treaty signed 21 October 1727 between the Empires of Russia and China Part II


V

The koen or house that is now at the disposal of the Russians in Peking shall be for Russians arriving in the future, who will themselves live in this house. And what the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, recommended about the construction of a church, it was done in this house with the aid of the dignitaries who have supervision over Russian affairs. On lama (priest) who is at present in Peking will live in this house, and three other lamas (priests), who will arrive, will be added, as was decided. When they arrive, provisions shall be given to them, as are given to him who arrived earlier, and they will be established at that church. The Russians will not be forbidden to pray and o honor their god according to their law. In addition, four young pupils and two of older age, who know Russian and Latin and whom the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, desires to leave in Peking for the learning of languages, shall also live in that house, and provisions shall be given to them on the royal account. And when they have completed their studies they will be free to go back.


VI

Sealed passports are absolutely necessary for communications between both Empires. Therefore, whenever gramoty are sent from the Russian state to the Chinse state they will be given to the Chinese tribunal in charge of external provinces secured with the seal of the Senate of the Russian tribunal and [with the seal] of the governor of the town of Tobolsk. And likewise, when letters are sent from the Chinese state to the Russian state, from the tribunal in charge of external provinces, they will be sent sealed to the Senate or to the Russian tribunal and to the governor of the town of Tobolsk. If letters are sent from the frontiers of from frontier places about deserters, thefts and other similar matters, then the heads of the towns on the Russian frontiers and those on the Chinese frontiers, Tushetu-khan, Ovan dzhan torzhi, and Ovan tanshin torshi, will mutually exchange such letters signed with their own hands and secured with a seal for attestation. And when the Russians will write to Tushetu-khan, Ovan dzhan torzhi and Ovan tanzhin torzhi, they, likewise, will write to the above-mentioned in turn. All couriers who will carry such letters will have to go by the Kyakhata road exclusively. But if some important and great affair occurs, then it is permissible to take the nearest route, If anyone should willfully take a short[er] route (because the Kyakhta route is far away), then the Russian town authorities and commandants and the Hinese frontier khans are to exchange letters among themselves, and each will punish his own in accord with the explanation of the affair.


VII

Concerning the river Ud and places around it, the Russian ambassador Fedor Alekseevich [Golovin] and Samgutu, a dignitary of the Internal Chamber of the Chinese Empire, agreeing together, said: this point will remain unsettled for now, but it will be settled in the future, either through letters or through envoys, and thus it was written in the protocols, Therefore, the dignitaries of the Chinese Empire said to the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich: because you were sent from the Empress with full power to settle all affairs, we can negotiate about this point too, for your people ceaselessly cross the frontiers into our place called Khimkon Tugurik. If this point is not settled now, it [the situation] will be very dangerous, for the subjects of both Empires who live along the frontiers may provoke quarrels and disagreements among themselves. And since this is extremely detrimental to peace and unity, it must be settled now.

The Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, answered : as for this eastern land, not only did receive no instructions from the Empress concerning it, but even I have no authentic information about that land. Let it remain still, as was decided before. And if any of our people shall across the frontier, I shall stop and forbid it.

The Chinese dignitaries answered to this: if the Empress did not authorize you to negotiate about the eastern side, we shall no longer insist, and so we are compelled to leave it for the present. But upon you return, strictly forbid your people [to cross the frontier], for if some of your people come across the frontier and are caught, they will undoubtedly have to b punished by us. And then you cannot say that we have broken the peace. And if any of you people cross your frontier, you punish them likewise.

Therefore, because negotiations about the river Ud or other local rivers cannot take place now, they shall remain as before, but your people can no longer be allowed to take possession [of our lands] for settlement.

When the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, returns, he should clearly report all this to the Empress and explain in what manner it is necessary to send together there people informed about those lands, who could together there people informed about those lands, who could together inspect and decide something, and this would be [a] good [course to follow]. But if this small matter remains [unsettled], it will speak poorly for the peace of both states. A letter was written about this point to the Russian Senate.


VIII

The frontier authorities of both Empires will have to decide quickly and in fairness each matter under their jurisdiction. And if there is a delay for selfish interests, then each State shall punish its own according to its own laws.


IX

If a low or high envoy is sent from one Empire to the other for official business, when he arrives at the frontier and announces his business and [his] status, he will wait for a shot time at the frontier until someone is sent out to meet and accompany him. And then he will be given fast carts and provisions and will be guided [to his destination] with diligence. Upon his arrival he will be given lodging and provisions. And if an envoy arrives in a year in which trade is not permitted, merchandise will not be admitted with him. And if one or two couriers arrive for some important matter, then, having shown sealed passports, the frontier mandarins will give them carts, provision, and guides immediately and without quibbling, as the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, decided, and as it was confirmed.

And since communications between both Empires through letters or through people is very necessary , it is not to be delayed for any reason. And if in the future letters or messengers are delayed and no rebuke is given, or if they procrastinate with loss of time, since such acts are not in accord with peace, envoys and merchants will not be admitted but for a time both envoys and merchants will be detained until the matter is explained, and upon clarification they will be admitted as before.


X

In the future, if any one of the subjects of either State deserts, he shall be executed on that spot where he is caught. If armed men cross the frontier plundering and killing, they too shall be punished by death. If someone armed likewise crosses the frontier without a sealed passport, although he may not have killed or robbed, still he shall be punished adequately. If one of the serving people [i.e., soldiers] or anyone else, having robbed his master, flees, if he is Russian, he will be hanged, and if he is Chinese, he will be executed on that spot where he is caught, and the stolen things will be returned to his master.

If someone crosses the frontier and steals beasts or cattle, he shall be given over for judgment to his chief, who shall fine him ten times [the amount stolen] for the first theft, for the second twice as much, and for the third he will be given [the] death [sentence]. If someone hunts not far from the frontier and the other side of the frontier for his own profit, his produce will be confiscated for the Sovereign, and that hunter will be [further] punished after a judge's inquiry. Common people who cross the frontier without a passport shall also have to be punished, as the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich, affirmed.


XI

The instrument for the renewal of peace between both Empires was thus exchanged from both sides.

The Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sava Vladislavich entrusted for preservation to the dignitaries of the Chinese state [a copy of the treaty] written in the Russian and Latin languages, [signed] by his own hand and secured with a seal. Likewise, the dignitaries of the Chinese state entrusted for preservation to the Russian Ambassador, the Illyrian Count Sav Vladislavich, [a copy of the treaty] written in the Manchu, Russian, and Latin languages, with their own signatures and secured by a seal.

Printed copies of this instrument have been distributed to al frontier inhabitants in order that the matter be known

In the year of our Lord 1727, the 21st day of the month of October, in the first year of the reign of Peter II, Emperor of All the Russians, etc., etc., etc. Exchanged in Kyakhta on June 14, 1728

The originals exchanged were signed thus:

[The Russian copy:] (seal) Count Sava Vladislavich Secretary of the Embassy Ivan Glazunov

[The Chinese copy:] Yung-cheng 5, the 9th month, the 7th day Chabina, dignitary, Royal Counselor, President of the Mandarin

Tribunal and Director of the Chamber of Internal Affairs; Tegute, dignitary, Royal Counselor, President-Director of the Tribunal of External Provinces, and Lord of the Red Banner; In the absence of Tuleshin, the Second President of the Military Tribunal, Ashan

[David_Pritchard]

An account of the Battle of Borodino by French Baron Lejeune Part I

About seven o'clock on the morning of the 7th the signal for the attack was at last given, and immediately 800 pieces of cannon on our side opened fire on an equal number of Russian howitzers and guns, the projectiles from which ploughed through our ranks with a hissing noise such as it is impossible to describe. As ill luck would have it, our reserves at the beginning of the struggle, even those of the cavalry, were rather too near the fighting, and, either from vainglory or more likely from fear of giving a false impression to the enemy, they would not retire the few hundred paces needed to place them in a position less exposed to useless danger, so that we had the grief of seeing thousands of gallant cavaliers and fine horses struck down, though it was of the utmost importance to us to preserve them.

The Emperor had announced that he would establish his head-quarters on the redoubt taken the evening before, and as a matter of fact he passed a great part of the day on that elevated position, sitting on the steep bank of the exterior slope, and following all the movements of the troops with the glass he kept in his hand. His Guard was posted behind him on the amphitheatre formed by the redoubt and its surroundings, and all these picked men, curbing with difficulty their eager desire to take part in the fighting and help to secure the victory, presented a most imposing appearance.

General Compans had the honour of being the first to lead his infantry to exchange fire with the Russians. He was ordered to attack the enemy's centre on the left of the Passavero wood, and to reach it he had to scale the heights and take the redoubts which barred his passage. The 57th Regiment led the way with a dash, carrying all before it, the battalions charging the first redoubt at the double, where a hand-to-hand conflict lasted for nearly an hour. The rest of the division supported the movement, and the enemy returning with considerable reinforcements to try to retake the redoubt, the ditches were in a few minutes choked up with thousands of killed or wounded Russians. The Gerard and Friant divisions, meanwhile, supported by the cavalry, had attacked other redoubts on the right of that assailed by General Compans.

All this time the formidable artillery of the redoubts in the centre of the enemy's line was working such fearful havoc in our ranks, that it became of the utmost importance to take the largest of these redoubts and spike its guns. The sappers of the engineers, therefore, beneath a hail of grapeshot, flung several little trestle bridges across the Kaluga stream protecting the base of the ridge, and the Morand division crossed the ravine with their aid and managed to get at the enemy. The first brigade of this division, led by General Bonamy, scaled the height and the entrenchments, deployed successfully in the redoubt, and killed the artillerymen at their guns. But the Russians came to the rescue in great force, and General Bonamy, after receiving seventeen bayonet wounds, fell disabled, and as he was taken prisoner he had the grief of seeing all his men either killed or driven back. The remainder of the Morand division was only able to protect the retreat of the few who escaped in disorder.

The Delzons division, belonging to the Viceroy's corps, which was on our left, meanwhile vigorously attacked and took possession of the fortified village of Borodino. Prince Eugene, who had, of course, not foreseen that this attack would succeed beyond his hopes, had ordered nothing more than the taking of Borodino ; but the 106th Regiment, carried away by success, was able to cross the Kaluga by the mill bridge as the Russians had done before it, and pursued the enemy to the heights beyond, scaling them as rapidly as did the retreating forces.

General Plauzonne, however, seeing that the intrepid soldiers of the 106th Regiment were allowing themselves to be separated and were not waiting for the rear of their column to come up, ordered them to halt so as to offer a combined resistance to a Russian column which was coming down to crush them. At that very moment, however, General Plauzonne was killed, and in the momentary confusion into which his death threw his men, the Russians swept down on them and very few of the brave fellows escaped. The 92nd Regiment hastened up to their aid, and in spite of our great loss and of every effort made by the Russians to retake Borodino, it remained in our hands.

Marshal Ney, meanwhile, was gaining ground on the heights above the village, bristling though they were with redoubts and batteries, the artillery fire from which mowed down our ranks. It was grand to see Marshal Ney standing quietly on the parapet of one of these redoubts directing the combatants who were hurrying up below him, and never losing sight of them except when he was enveloped in clouds of smoke. A few paces from where Marshal Ney was standing, the gallant General Montbrun, of the cavalry, was carried off by a ball.

Marshal Davout, Prince of Eckmuhl, continued to defend the redoubts which he had taken, and which the enemy never ceased to try to regain. I was ordered to take the distressing news to him that Prince Poniatowski, who was manoeuvring on the right, had met with such terrible obstacles in the form of dense woods and swampy marshes that he could not, as arranged, fall upon the rear of the Russian left, and so harass it as to aid the first French corps by a powerful diversion. At this moment, in fact, the Marshal's position was most critical ; for although the cavalry under King Murat occupied the whole of the plain before him, and made a series of charges on that of the enemy with the happiest results, the fire from the Russian artillery was making Davout's post all but untenable. He had just been wounded in the arm, but he remained in command of his division. His chief of the staff, General Romoeuf, was pierced by a ball as he was speaking to us. The Marshal, greatly put out at having to make an isolated assault in front on a position which he thought ought to be attacked simultaneously on three sides, said to me angrily, ' It's a confounded shame to make me take the bull by the horns.' I hastened to go and tell King Murat of the critical position of Davout, and he at once ordered several masses of cavalry to unite for the support of General Friant, to whom I carried the order to take Seminskoe. All of a sudden I now saw the plain covered with masses of cavalry, Russian, Cossack, French, and that of our allies, engaged in a desperate melee, and after half an hour's struggle our side remained masters of the ground.

It was about three o'clock in the afternoon when I took this good news to the Emperor.

The Russian artillery from the big central redoubt continued, however, to work terrible havoc in our ranks, which had advanced so boldly within range of it, and the Emperor saw the great importance of getting possession of it. Orders were therefore sent to General Gerard, whose infantry was at the base of the height on which was the redoubt, to take it by assault, whilst King Murat was instructed to support Gerard's attack with a numerous body of cavalry. The manoeuvre was admirably executed, and our infantry, supported by Caulaincourt's cuirassiers and pontonniers, penetrated into the entrenchments.